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The recent arrest of relatives of Kazem Seddiqi, Tehran’s temporary Friday prayer leader, has once again exposed the deep-rooted and systemic corruption within Iran’s ruling regime, hinting at the selective enforcement of justice aimed at diffusing societal anger rather than genuinely addressing the core issues of injustice and hardship.
The detention of Seddiqi’s son and daughter-in-law, coupled with judicial investigations and the dissolution of one of their companies, highlights a broader pattern of illicit activities involving high-ranking officials, their families, and powerful institutions like the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC).
A detailed report by the government-affiliated outlet Rouydad24 reveals the extensive business dealings of the Seddiqi family, shedding light on their involvement in land grabbing, hotel management, mining, and partnerships with IRGC commanders and other influential figures.
A Web of Corruption
The Seddiqi family’s business empire spans multiple sectors, from real estate to mining and hospitality, often facilitated by their connections to regime insiders. At the heart of their operations is the Imam Khomeini Seminary, located on a sprawling 23,000-square-meter property in northern Tehran.
According to reports by state-controlled media, this land was acquired over two decades through questionable transfers from the Tehran Municipality, the Endowment Organization, and the Seminary Services Center.
The land, divided into 20 title deeds, was incorporated into the seminary’s holdings, allegedly through the family’s company, Sherkat Peyrovan Andisheh Qaem. This company, established in 2022 by Seddiqi’s sons, Mohammad Mahdi and Mohammad Hossein, along with their sister-in-law Rezvaneh Aqagoli and a former municipal official, exemplifies the family’s ability to exploit institutional connections for personal gain.
Beyond real estate, the Seddiqi family has ventured into mining and hotel management. A mining company established in 2012 on Tehran’s Mirdamad Street, in partnership with a former parliamentarian, secured permits for mineral extraction.
Meanwhile, Mohammad Hossein Seddiqi, the more active of the two brothers, has established multiple companies between 2010 and 2022, including ventures in hotel management. One notable case involves the Jahan Hotel in Mashhad, reportedly transferred to the Imam Khomeini Seminary in 2014 under questionable circumstances.
Ties to the IRGC and Regime Elites
The Seddiqi family’s partnerships extend to some of the regime’s most powerful figures. Their businesses include collaborations with former IRGC commanders, such as Hamid Shakibmehr, and prominent business figures like Mohammadreza Mousavi, CEO of Saipa Citroën, and Ehsan Bagherian, a key player in Iran’s oil and gas sector.
The Imam Khomeini Research and Educational Institute, chaired by Kazem Seddiqi, counts among its board members and shareholders individuals like Reza Motallebi Kashani, Mehdi Khamoushi, Gholamreza Fayyazi, and the slain IRGC Quds Force deputy commander General Mohammad Hejazi. These connections illustrate how the Seddiqi family has leveraged its proximity to the regime’s political and military elite to amass wealth and influence.
Kazem Sedighi, A Khamenei Ally, Exposed to Have Grabbed Billions Worth of Land in #Iran's Capitalhttps://t.co/CmbzjfHMsP pic.twitter.com/cze9r5g7rI
— NCRI-FAC (@iran_policy) March 18, 2024
A Green Light from Above?
The arrests of Seddiqi’s relatives did not occur in a vacuum. Analysts point to recent remarks by regime’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, who emphasized the need for officials and their families to avoid corruption, as a signal for the Judiciary to act.
The timing suggests that the regime may be attempting to address public discontent over rampant corruption, particularly as economic hardships and social unrest continue to mount. However, the fact that the Seddiqi family’s activities were under scrutiny for years before any action was taken raises questions about the regime’s commitment to accountability.
Resistance to investigating high-profile figures like Seddiqi, combined with the eventual “green light” from above, underscores the selective nature of anti-corruption efforts within the regime. Such superficial and selective actions often serve as mere safety valves, designed to alleviate the immense pressure of an explosive society grappling with deep-seated injustice, pervasive poverty, and increasingly unbearable living conditions.
#Iran News in Brief
Calls for Kazem Sadeghi's resignation amplify following his confession to embezzling a staggering 1,000 billion tomans from Ozgol Gardens. Sadeghi, an influential Friday prayer leader in #Tehran, has held high positions in the regime and has been a close… pic.twitter.com/nSqJ3Qss7V— NCRI-FAC (@iran_policy) March 31, 2024
A Broader Pattern of Systemic Corruption
The Seddiqi case is not an isolated incident but rather a symptom of the institutionalized corruption that permeates Iran’s political and economic systems. The regime’s elite, including clerics, IRGC commanders, and their families, have long exploited their positions to secure lucrative business deals, often at the expense of public resources.
Land grabbing, as seen in the Ozgol Garden case, is a common tactic, with valuable properties transferred to regime loyalists under the guise of religious or charitable purposes. Similarly, partnerships with IRGC figures and access to state-controlled sectors like mining and oil enable the elite to accumulate vast wealth while ordinary Iranians face economic hardship.
Hence, as long as the regime’s elite continue to operate with impunity, public trust in Iran’s institutions will remain eroded, fueling further discontent and calls for systemic change. The Seddiqi case serves as a stark reminder that corruption in Iran is not an aberration but a feature of the regime’s governance.