Here we go again! Michael Rubin’s obsessive tirades against the Mujahedin-e Khalq (PMOI/MEK), Iran’s leading democratic opposition movement, and its parent organization, the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI), have become so frequent they could almost justify a LinkedIn endorsement under “Propaganda Expertise” or “Freelance Spin for Tehran.” His most recent effort—a graceless tirade targeting an international conference on Iran attended by three U.S. Generals and several former European Prime Ministers and ministers in January—resembles the rantings of a disgruntled propagandist more than a legitimate critique.
Rubin’s screed is a cocktail of projection and recycled falsehoods. With all the zeal of a self-declared arbiter of Iranian opposition legitimacy, he regurgitates narratives so hyperbolic they could embarrass even Tehran’s modern-day Nazi Gestapo, the Ministry of Intelligence and Security (MOIS).
Rubin’s fixation on the MEK is best understood through the lens of his own dubious history. This is a man whose résumé could double as a guidebook to the dark arts of propaganda. In 2014, Rubin was linked to a UAE-funded PR operation so brazen that Amnesty International questioned whether his anti-dissident articles were paid placements. In the 1990s, Rubin cozied up to Iranian officials, earning access to IRGC archives and giving lectures at regime-aligned institutions, privileges that no self-respecting “hawk” would ever boast about. Most damning, however, is Rubin’s association with Ahmad Chalabi, the Iranian intelligence asset who played a key role in misleading the U.S. into the Iraq War. During his Pentagon tenure, Rubin worked in an office accused of manufacturing “propaganda” to sell the war, a skillset he seems to have repurposed in his vendetta against the MEK.
The Michael Rubin Rubik’s Cube: Parroting #Iran Mullahs https://t.co/tKycYPH6Gq pic.twitter.com/m4Jw0qWCeX
— Ali Safavi (@amsafavi) March 31, 2024
His accusations against the MEK—branding them a “cult” or alleging an alliance with Saddam—are not only tired but demonstrably false. The “cult” label has been dismantled repeatedly by dozens of bipartisan delegations who have visited the MEK’s Ashraf-3 enclave in Albania, praising its transparent, democratic structure.
Similarly, allegations of the MEK’s collaboration with Saddam Hussein during the Iran-Iraq in the 1980s have been thoroughly discredited by historical records, which affirm the group’s independence of action in Iraq. Twenty-two years after the invasion of Iraq, not a single piece of evidence has emerged to suggest otherwise. The MEK takes pride in its staunch opposition to Ruhollah Khomeini’s insistence on continuing the war under the guise of “liberating Jerusalem via Karbala,” a conflict that resulted in two million Iranian casualties, including children aged 10 to 15 who were used to clear minefields. The true shame belongs to those who advocated for the prolongation of this devastating war.
Rubin’s principal complaint appears to stem from the MEK’s unmistakable impact. The persistent and significant turnout of tens of thousands of Iranians at the Resistance’s yearly summits—most notably the 2018 Free Iran World Summit that the regime attempted to bomb—coupled with the regime’s continuous display of paranoia and fear towards the MEK, thoroughly debunks Rubin’s assertions of the MEK’s irrelevance. Furthermore, the 20 major court rulings in the U.S. and Europe that exonerated the MEK from a baseless and politically motivated terrorist label only underscore the desperation in Rubin’s futile attempts to discredit the organization.
My latest rebuttal: #Iran's Influence Operation & Michael Rubin's MEK Obsession.
"Whenever Iran’s ruling theocracy faces challenges, Rubin serenades us with his go-to tune – vilifying Iran's primary opposition, the Mujahedin-e-Khalq. His dogged commitment to parroting the… pic.twitter.com/fl2BL9Ufaf— Ali Safavi (@amsafavi) October 4, 2023
In the UK, 35 members from both Houses of Parliament launched a legal challenge against their own government for inaccurately labeling the MEK. The Court of Appeals for England and Wales, ultimately ruled unanimously to revoke its proscription, delivering a sharp rebuke to the UK government.
The irony of Rubin’s crusade is that his work is eagerly amplified by Iranian state propaganda outlets like Kayhan and ISNA News Agency. For a supposed “Iran hawk,” Rubin’s popularity among regime Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei’s mouthpieces is as revealing as it is alarming. His diatribes do more to bolster Tehran’s disinformation campaigns than to provide any meaningful analysis or insight.
Ultimately, Rubin’s attacks on the MEK say more about him than about the organization. They expose a man whose career is built on questionable alliances, manufactured narratives, and a penchant for amplifying authoritarian propaganda. If Rubin’s goal is to diminish the MEK, he’s failing spectacularly. With every unhinged hit piece, he only underscores the MEK’s growing relevance—and his own diminishing credibility.
Ali Safavi (@amsafavi) is a member of the Foreign Affairs Committee of the Paris-based National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI)