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After the killing of over 100,000 members and supporters of the People’s Mujahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI/MEK), following more than 500 terrorist operations against targets and individuals associated with the Iranian Resistance abroad, and thirty-five years after Khomeini’s written fatwa for the mass murder of anyone with heartfelt allegiance to the PMOI, while over 3,600 affiliates of this movement languish in prisons across Iran, Iran’s regime started a so-called trial process in Tehran to address the alleged crimes of the PMOI on December 12, 2023.
While conspiracy and deceit are hallmarks of Iran’s ruling dictatorship, the interpretation of this new legal spectacle remains perplexing to political observers. An examination of the regime’s actions, both domestically and on the trial’s periphery, reveals a sinister agenda.
The trial purports to involve 105 defendants, the first being a legal entity representing the People’s Mujahedin Organization of Iran, and the remaining 104 including officials, members of the organization, and individuals from the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI). Notably, Ozra Alavi Taleghani, one of the supposed defendants in the case and a respected figure within the organization, passed away in Tirana in July 2023. The sham court also claims that several court-appointed lawyers have been assigned to defend the accused.
The media saturation surrounding this event was so extensive that evading its reach for the Iranian public appeared implausible. Every media outlet, regardless of political alignment, uniformly covered the news. The consistent and standardized text across all platforms implies a lack of flexibility to deviate from the prescribed narrative. Concurrently, during the trial’s second week, the regime took additional measures, installing numerous billboards across various locations in Tehran to actively capture citizens’ attention towards the proceedings.
Despite the political sensitivity of the matter for the regime, beneath the surface, one can discern the regime’s concerns about the PMOI’s influence in Iranian society.
The state-run Fars News Agency, in a detailed report on the first session, referred to the organization as “hypocrites” and emphasized the need to confront them, writing, “Another important point is that the danger of hypocrites to any society is greater than the danger of other enemies because understanding them is often not straightforward. They are internal enemies and sometimes infiltrate society to such an extent that separating them becomes extremely difficult.”
“Moreover, their various relationships with other members of society make the struggle against them challenging,” the news agency which is run by the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps added. “For this reason, Islam throughout its history has suffered the most significant blows from the hypocrites, and for the same reason, the Quran has directed its toughest attacks against the hypocrites, continually warning against dealing with them and waging jihad against them.”
While the theatrical trial claims to have a legal nature and makes considerable efforts in administrative formalities, most of its time is spent reiterating government propaganda regarding the PMOI’s nature, history, and internal dynamics, thereby deviating completely from the supposed focus of a criminal court.
The session appears to carry significant weight for a domestic audience, as almost all the seats are filled with pictures or families of those whom the regime claims to be victims of the organization. The prosecutor promises them revenge.
In the text of the indictment read by the prosecutor’s representative, after outlining the PMOI’s history and residence in Albania, threats of killing and elimination are made.
It states, “All elements of this group, like members of the so-called ISIS, although residing in different countries and currently unable to carry out organized military operations, still potentially pose a security threat to all resident countries. Nonetheless, by law and for the sake of justice, they must confront their demise.”
However, what is clearer from the rhetoric and ludicrous displays is the regime’s terrorist actions. The orchestrated attempt against the former Vice President of the European Parliament, Professor Alejo Vidal Quadras, on November 9, and the hundreds of other Iranians killed by this regime, have never seen the judgment of a court.
Negative propaganda and media attacks on the Iranian Resistance have always been a significant part of the strategy of the Iranian regime. Whether a legal verdict is added to this long list of falsehoods and accusations against the Iranian Resistance is only a matter of time.
This regime, in negotiations with representatives of Western countries over its nuclear program exposed by the NCRI in 1991, in direct talks with the United States in Iraq, and secret talks in Geneva, Doha, and other locations worldwide, has consistently prioritized suppressing the PMOI. It is obvious that this trial spectacle will only add more reasons for such bargaining behind closed doors.
However, the primary and indisputable objective is not situated beyond Iran’s borders but resides within the nation itself. Following the nationwide uprising of the Iranian people and the Supreme Leader’s assertion of pardoning 30,000 protesters, the NCRI, in a subsequent statement, refuted Ali Khamenei’s claim, cautioning about its lack of information concerning the fate of over 3,626 of its supporters held in Iranian prisons.
The execution of more than 30,000 political prisoners in 1988, with over 90% of them affiliated with the PMOI, extends beyond being a mere brutal chapter in Iran’s history; it stands as a guiding principle for the survival of the clerical dictatorship. While Ali Khamenei may lack the religious or political stature of his predecessor to orchestrate another genocide, he certainly believes he possesses the means to do so.