New York Post<\/a>\u2019, on April 12, 2017.<\/p>\nThough Trump won\u2019t get much credit for it, the last few weeks were a triumph for American diplomacy. We put a tyrant on notice that he can\u2019t use weapons of mass destruction on his own people, we put paid to the idiotic suggestion that President Trump is subservient to Vladimir Putin, we rallied the West and spooked our enemies \u2014 and we did all this without the loss of a single US serviceman.<\/p>\n
Along the way we revealed that the Obama administration was less than truthful when claiming that the WMD had been removed from Syria.<\/p>\n
Now what? When facing three opponents, as America is with Russia, Syria and Iran, the most obvious response is to try to break them up through a side deal with one of them. That\u2019s the signal Secretary of State Rex Tillerson and UN Ambassador Nicki Haley sent to Syrian strongman Bashar al-Assad on March 30 in saying we\u2019d be prepared to live with him.<\/p>\n
That amounted to the following offer: Be nice, Assad, distance yourself from Iran and we\u2019ll accept a solution to the Syrian civil war that leaves you in power.<\/p>\n
The offer made sense, even though the chance of its acceptance was slight. Syria is sometimes described as a puppet regime of Iran, but that doesn\u2019t begin to describe Assad\u2019s dependence on Iran. Syria is more like Iran\u2019s 32nd province than a separate state.<\/p>\n
There are more than twice as many fighters that take orders directly from Tehran than there are members of Assad\u2019s army, and this includes about 20,000 members of Iran\u2019s Revolutionary Guards. Assad\u2019s Syria is Iran\u2019s only major ally in the region, and gives it a supply route for arms that Hezbollah can use against Israel.<\/p>\n
That\u2019s the explanation for the Sarin attack. The question no one has asked is why Assad ordered this, and why then? It\u2019s not as if he needed to persuade anyone that he\u2019s a moral monster, or that a change in the tide of battle dictated the change. Rather, Assad, it\u2019s fair to assume, had simply been ordered to employ chemical weapons by Tehran, as a means of turning down the American overture. It signaled that the Iranian-Syrian alliance could not be broken.<\/p>\n
The next stage was our attack on the Syrian Shayrat airbase last week. That was a human response to a despicable act of state terrorism by Assad. It was also our response to Syria\u2019s rejection of our offer. Very well, we said. We\u2019ll have no further dealings with you.<\/p>\n
That leaves the other two players, Russia and Iran. Tillerson met with Putin Wednesday, and if it wasn\u2019t all smiles and chuckles, still the meeting happened, and from our perspective the possibility of a rapprochement with Russia is greater now than it was before the attack on the Syrian air base: Trump no longer has to worry about critics who say he\u2019s soft on Russia.<\/p>\n
As for the Russians, they\u2019re the ultimate realists. We\u2019ve signaled to them that we\u2019re not going to try to dislodge them from Syria. But everything else is on the table. We\u2019re telling them they can move in more civilized company if they want. Only it\u2019s going to cost them, if we\u2019re to accept them as civilized players.<\/p>\n
Finally, Iran. Of the three countries, only Iran under the mullahs is America\u2019s implacable enemy, one with whom a peaceful resolution of differences is entirely impossible. More than that, the mullahs take our willingness to reach out to them as a sign of weakness they can exploit. They constantly test our resolve, and when we fail to respond, they take it one level further.<\/p>\n
So what\u2019s the answer? First of all, we need to reject the high-school debater\u2019s trick of posing false alternatives, as Obama used to do. It\u2019s either a spineless accommodation or nuclear war, he\u2019d tell us. But there are always other options, and one of them is to push back when pushed, and that requires getting into the enemy\u2019s mind to discover what troubles him most.<\/p>\n
For the mullahs, it\u2019s the way in which their regime\u2019s legitimacy is threatened by liberal opposition groups, particularly the National Council of Resistance of Iran. The National Council revealed Iran\u2019s nuclear program in 2002, and it\u2019s been praised by Elie Wiesel, Rudy Giuliani and Michael Mukasey.<\/p>\n
However, we\u2019re still afraid of supporting the National Council and other Iranian dissident groups that so frighten the mullahs. Changing that is a good place to start.<\/p>\n
The years of acquiescence to Iran didn\u2019t begin with Obama. Let\u2019s make sure they end with him.<\/p>\n
F.H. Buckley teaches at Scalia Law School. His most recent book is \u201cThe Way Back: Restoring the Promise of America.\u201d<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
The following article titled: “Dividing the enemy alliance: inside the Trump strategy,” by F.H. Buckley appeared in ‘New York Post’, on April 12, 2017. Though Trump won’t get much credit […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":10,"featured_media":48478,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[175],"class_list":{"0":"post-22538","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-iran-resistance","8":"tag-updated"},"yoast_head":"\n
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