{"id":347901,"date":"2026-09-08T19:13:16","date_gmt":"2026-09-08T18:13:16","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.ncr-iran.org\/en\/?p=347901"},"modified":"2026-09-08T19:13:16","modified_gmt":"2026-09-08T18:13:16","slug":"saeed-kamali-dehghan-and-irans-information-security-playbook","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.ncr-iran.org\/en\/news\/iran-resistance\/demonizing-mek\/saeed-kamali-dehghan-and-irans-information-security-playbook\/","title":{"rendered":"Saeed Kamali Dehghan and Iran\u2019s Information-Security Playbook\u00a0"},"content":{"rendered":"<figure id=\"attachment_315256\" aria-describedby=\"caption-attachment-315256\" style=\"width: 1000px\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\"><img decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-315256\" src=\"https:\/\/www.ncr-iran.org\/en\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/01\/Saeed-Kamali-Dehghan.jpg\" alt=\"Saeed Kamali Dehghan\" width=\"1000\" height=\"708\" \/><figcaption id=\"caption-attachment-315256\" class=\"wp-caption-text\">ID Card for Saeed Kamali Dehghan from Fars News Agency<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><strong><em>Thirteen-minute read<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span data-contrast=\"auto\">In the clerical dictatorship, journalism has never been treated simply as journalism. It is part of the security environment. Newspapers are licensed and closed; reporters are arrested, interrogated and surveilled; communications are restricted; contact with real sources on the ground is monitored; and foreign correspondents operate through an accreditation system in which the intelligence establishment has a formal role. Reporters Without Borders documented that representatives of Iran&#8217;s ministries of Culture, Foreign Affairs and Intelligence maintain files on foreign journalists and their outlets, with critical reporting affecting access and visas. A foreign <a href=\"https:\/\/rsf.org\/en\/revolution-anniversary-39-years-news-control-and-censorship-iran\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">correspondent told RSF<\/a> that intelligence officials explicitly instructed him on the subjects he could not cross and even suggested language for his reports.<\/span><span data-ccp-props=\"{&quot;134233117&quot;:false,&quot;134233118&quot;:false,&quot;201341983&quot;:0,&quot;335551550&quot;:1,&quot;335551620&quot;:1,&quot;335559685&quot;:0,&quot;335559737&quot;:0,&quot;335559738&quot;:240,&quot;335559739&quot;:240,&quot;335559740&quot;:278}\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span data-contrast=\"auto\">The system applies two pressures simultaneously. It restricts information leaving Iran while seeking to influence the information that reaches audiences abroad. RSF found that foreign agencies maintaining bureaux in Tehran faced close monitoring and the constant possibility of losing accreditation, while journalists of Iranian origin were particularly susceptible to state leverage because Tehran treats dual nationals solely as Iranian citizens. In 2026, Iran remains near the <a href=\"https:\/\/rsf.org\/en\/country\/iran\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">bottom of the World Press<\/a> Freedom Index, and speaking even anonymously to foreign media can bring arrest or threats. A bill advanced in August 2026 would go further still, potentially <a href=\"https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/business\/media-telecom\/iranian-parliament-votes-further-criminalise-interviews-with-hostile-media-2026-08-16\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">criminalizing unauthorized<\/a> contact with foreign news organizations and requiring notification to the Intelligence Ministry.<\/span><span data-ccp-props=\"{&quot;134233117&quot;:false,&quot;134233118&quot;:false,&quot;335559738&quot;:240,&quot;335559739&quot;:240}\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span data-contrast=\"auto\">This is why Tehran&#8217;s struggle over journalism should be understood as a <\/span><b><span data-contrast=\"auto\">security function rather than a public-relations exercise<\/span><\/b><span data-contrast=\"auto\">. Censorship prevents unwanted evidence from leaving the country. Surveillance identifies the people supplying it. State media establish the official account. International broadcasting projects that account outward. Covert online networks create apparently independent messengers. And when credible foreign journalists publish arguments favorable to Tehran, those arguments can be imported back into Iranian media carrying the authority of an outside institution. The purpose is larger than making the government look good. It is to control which accounts of Iran acquire legitimacy, which opponents are regarded as credible, and ultimately whether the Islamic Republic is understood abroad as a system that can be replaced or a reality that must be accommodated.<\/span><span data-ccp-props=\"{&quot;134233117&quot;:false,&quot;134233118&quot;:false,&quot;335559738&quot;:240,&quot;335559739&quot;:240}\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<blockquote class=\"twitter-tweet\" data-width=\"550\" data-dnt=\"true\">\n<p lang=\"in\" dir=\"ltr\">Saeed Kamali Dehghan and Tehran\u2019s Information War Against Iran\u2019s Resistance <a href=\"https:\/\/t.co\/8TciBvjgkE\">https:\/\/t.co\/8TciBvjgkE<\/a><\/p>\n<p>&mdash; Ali Safavi (@amsafavi) <a href=\"https:\/\/x.com\/amsafavi\/status\/2094139963465990245?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">August 30, 2026<\/a><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p><script async src=\"https:\/\/platform.x.com\/widgets.js\" charset=\"utf-8\"><\/script><\/p>\n<h2 style=\"text-align: justify;\" aria-level=\"2\">From Iran&#8217;s media system to the Guardian<\/h2>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span data-contrast=\"auto\">Saeed Kamali Dehghan&#8217;s career crossed several layers of that information environment. Before becoming a prominent journalist in Britain, he worked in Iran&#8217;s domestic press. Multiple <a href=\"https:\/\/iranwire.com\/fa\/jinac\/36632\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">sources reported<\/a> in February 2020 that he had worked with the so-called reformist publications like <\/span><i><span data-contrast=\"auto\">Shargh<\/span><\/i><span data-contrast=\"auto\">, <\/span><i><span data-contrast=\"auto\">Etemaad<\/span><\/i><span data-contrast=\"auto\"> and <\/span><i><span data-contrast=\"auto\">Shahrvand-e Emrooz<\/span><\/i><span data-contrast=\"auto\">, and for a period as a reporter at Fars News Agency. Fars is not an ordinary private news organization. In 2023, the U.S. <a href=\"https:\/\/home.treasury.gov\/news\/press-releases\/jy1733\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Treasury designated<\/a> Fars, Tasnim and Press TV among \u201cIRGC and regime-controlled media outlets,\u201d describing Fars as closely affiliated with the Revolutionary Guards and documenting coordination with the Basij and the production of intelligence reports for the IRGC commander.<\/span><span data-ccp-props=\"{&quot;134233117&quot;:false,&quot;134233118&quot;:false,&quot;201341983&quot;:0,&quot;335551550&quot;:1,&quot;335551620&quot;:1,&quot;335559685&quot;:0,&quot;335559737&quot;:0,&quot;335559738&quot;:240,&quot;335559739&quot;:240,&quot;335559740&quot;:278}\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span data-contrast=\"auto\">His movement between \u201creformist\u201d publications and Fars matters because those institutions occupied different rhetorical positions within the same restricted political system. The \u201creformist press\u201d was permitted to criticize policies, officials and hardline factions while operating inside boundaries set by the state. Fars represented a security-aligned information culture. A journalist traversing those environments would become familiar with both registers: criticism from within the permissible political spectrum and the harder language of regime security. That professional background preceded his emergence as an interpreter of Iranian politics for Western readers.<\/span><span data-ccp-props=\"{&quot;134233117&quot;:false,&quot;134233118&quot;:false,&quot;201341983&quot;:0,&quot;335551550&quot;:1,&quot;335551620&quot;:1,&quot;335559685&quot;:0,&quot;335559737&quot;:0,&quot;335559738&quot;:240,&quot;335559739&quot;:240,&quot;335559740&quot;:278}\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span data-contrast=\"auto\">His relationship with the Guardian had already begun in <\/span><span data-contrast=\"auto\">October 2006<\/span><span data-contrast=\"auto\">, while he was still living in Tehran. Index on Censorship identified him in June 2009 as a <a href=\"https:\/\/www.theguardian.com\/world\/2010\/jun\/13\/saeed-dehghan-iran-exile\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Guardian contributor<\/a> from the Iranian capital who also wrote for <\/span><i><span data-contrast=\"auto\">Le Monde<\/span><\/i><span data-contrast=\"auto\">, the <\/span><i><span data-contrast=\"auto\">Los Angeles Times<\/span><\/i><span data-contrast=\"auto\"> and <\/span><i><span data-contrast=\"auto\">Etemaad<\/span><\/i><span data-contrast=\"auto\">. This chronology is important. Dehghan did not arrive in Britain and then search for a Western platform. He developed a foreign-media role from inside Iran, at a time when journalists working for international outlets were operating inside one of the world&#8217;s most heavily supervised reporting environments.<\/span><span data-ccp-props=\"{&quot;134233117&quot;:false,&quot;134233118&quot;:false,&quot;335559738&quot;:240,&quot;335559739&quot;:240}\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<blockquote class=\"twitter-tweet\" data-width=\"550\" data-dnt=\"true\">\n<p lang=\"en\" dir=\"ltr\">&quot;For over three decades, the terrorist regime in <a href=\"https:\/\/x.com\/hashtag\/Iran?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">#Iran<\/a> has executed a sophisticated agenda to compel the international community to accept the rule of its illegitimate theocracy in Tehran,&quot; writes <a href=\"https:\/\/x.com\/khansari_m?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">@khansari_m<\/a> <a href=\"https:\/\/t.co\/2JCtVzc0Qw\">https:\/\/t.co\/2JCtVzc0Qw<\/a><\/p>\n<p>&mdash; NCRI-FAC (@iran_policy) <a href=\"https:\/\/x.com\/iran_policy\/status\/1707396294853980391?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">September 28, 2023<\/a><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p><script async src=\"https:\/\/platform.x.com\/widgets.js\" charset=\"utf-8\"><\/script><\/p>\n<h2 style=\"text-align: justify;\" aria-level=\"2\">The moment that made him indispensable<\/h2>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span data-contrast=\"auto\">The sham presidential election of June 2009 transformed his professional position. Iranian authorities expelled foreign reporters, restricted those who remained and jammed international broadcasts. Dehghan was already inside the country, spoke the language, understood the political landscape and possessed a functioning relationship with foreign editors. In his later account for the Guardian, he described the election as the moment when \u201ceverything\u201d changed professionally: he began filing daily, appeared on front pages and became a regular source of live reporting for international broadcasters. A London agency, Global Radio News, arranged appearances, and he wrote that he gave more than 50 live television interviews during June alone.<\/span><span data-ccp-props=\"{&quot;134233117&quot;:false,&quot;134233118&quot;:false,&quot;201341983&quot;:0,&quot;335551550&quot;:1,&quot;335551620&quot;:1,&quot;335559685&quot;:0,&quot;335559737&quot;:0,&quot;335559738&quot;:240,&quot;335559739&quot;:240,&quot;335559740&quot;:278}\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span data-contrast=\"auto\">This explains how he acquired such a large audience without resorting to mystery. The clerical dictatorship had created an information vacuum by restricting foreign correspondents; Western media urgently needed people who could report from inside that vacuum. Dehghan was unusually well positioned to fill it. His access, Iranian background and existing relationship with the Guardian made him more valuable precisely as the state made conventional foreign reporting more difficult. By 2010, he was no longer merely another contributor on Iran. He was becoming an authoritative and uniquely-positioned Western interpreter of a closed country.<\/span><span data-ccp-props=\"{&quot;134233117&quot;:false,&quot;134233118&quot;:false,&quot;335559738&quot;:240,&quot;335559739&quot;:240}\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span data-contrast=\"auto\"><a href=\"https:\/\/www.theguardian.com\/world\/2010\/jun\/13\/saeed-dehghan-iran-exile\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">His own story<\/a> deepened that authority. Dehghan wrote that reporting for foreign media led to what he called a \u201csinister warning\u201d from the Intelligence Ministry and that he left Iran for London with his male partner. He described their relationship as one they could not live openly in Iran and presented his departure simultaneously as the flight of a threatened journalist and a gay Iranian unable to live freely with his partner. In Britain, both elements carried readily understood markers of persecution.<\/span><span data-ccp-props=\"{&quot;134233117&quot;:false,&quot;134233118&quot;:false,&quot;335559738&quot;:240,&quot;335559739&quot;:240}\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<blockquote class=\"twitter-tweet\" data-width=\"550\" data-dnt=\"true\">\n<p lang=\"en\" dir=\"ltr\">Ruhollah Mo&#39;men Nasab, parliamentary special advisor on the so-called &quot;internet users projection bill&quot; and former commander of the cyber army reveals how <a href=\"https:\/\/x.com\/hashtag\/Tehran?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">#Tehran<\/a> has been using <a href=\"https:\/\/x.com\/twitter?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">@Twitter<\/a> for <a href=\"https:\/\/x.com\/hashtag\/propaganda?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">#propaganda<\/a>. <br \/> <a href=\"https:\/\/x.com\/hashtag\/Iran?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">#Iran<\/a> <a href=\"https:\/\/x.com\/hashtag\/InternetFreedom?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">#InternetFreedom<\/a> <a href=\"https:\/\/t.co\/kHzjtlEFvR\">pic.twitter.com\/kHzjtlEFvR<\/a><\/p>\n<p>&mdash; NCRI-FAC (@iran_policy) <a href=\"https:\/\/x.com\/iran_policy\/status\/1508774815599153152?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">March 29, 2022<\/a><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p><script async src=\"https:\/\/platform.x.com\/widgets.js\" charset=\"utf-8\"><\/script><\/p>\n<h2 style=\"text-align: justify;\" aria-level=\"2\">A biography built for Western trust<\/h2>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span data-contrast=\"auto\">That personal history gave Dehghan an unusually compelling profile in Western journalism: a reporter who had exposed repression, been threatened by Iranian intelligence, belonged to a sexual minority persecuted under Iranian law and had escaped with his partner. The Guardian itself published his account under the headline \u201cThe day I fled Iran in terror and left my family behind.\u201d His identity was therefore not separate from his journalistic authority. It helped establish him in the eyes of readers as someone with personal experience of the state whose politics he was interpreting.<\/span><span data-ccp-props=\"{&quot;134233117&quot;:false,&quot;134233118&quot;:false,&quot;335559738&quot;:240,&quot;335559739&quot;:240}\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span data-contrast=\"auto\">His professional credentials rapidly reinforced the story. He somehow managed to return \u201cclandestinely to Iran\u201d in late 2009 to film Neda Agha-Soltan&#8217;s family for the HBO documentary <\/span><i><span data-contrast=\"auto\">For Neda<\/span><\/i><span data-contrast=\"auto\">. In November 2010, he and filmmaker Antony Thomas jointly won the Foreign <a href=\"https:\/\/www.theguardian.com\/culture\/2010\/nov\/24\/guardian-journalist-award-iranian-protests\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Press Association&#8217;s Journalist<\/a> of the Year award, while the documentary also won the association&#8217;s documentary category. It later received a <a href=\"https:\/\/peabodyawards.com\/award-profile\/for-neda\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Peabody Award<\/a>. By 2011\u201312, he had completed postgraduate journalism studies in London and become a Guardian staff journalist dedicated to Iran. His research dossier records more than 800 Iran-related bylines by August 2015.<\/span><span data-ccp-props=\"{&quot;134233117&quot;:false,&quot;134233118&quot;:false,&quot;201341983&quot;:0,&quot;335551550&quot;:1,&quot;335551620&quot;:1,&quot;335559685&quot;:0,&quot;335559737&quot;:0,&quot;335559738&quot;:240,&quot;335559739&quot;:240,&quot;335559740&quot;:278}\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span data-contrast=\"auto\">This accumulated reputation is central to understanding what came later. Tehran possesses newspapers, television channels, diplomats and spokesmen capable of describing Iranian politics in almost any terms it chooses. What those institutions cannot manufacture easily is <\/span><b><span data-contrast=\"auto\">independent Western credibility<\/span><\/b><span data-contrast=\"auto\">. A Guardian correspondent who had reported government abuses, filmed the family of an iconic protest victim and personally described himself as driven into exile by intelligence pressure possessed an authority that Iranian state media could never confer on one of their own commentators.<\/span><span data-ccp-props=\"{&quot;134233117&quot;:false,&quot;134233118&quot;:false,&quot;335559738&quot;:240,&quot;335559739&quot;:240}\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<blockquote class=\"twitter-tweet\" data-width=\"550\" data-dnt=\"true\">\n<p lang=\"en\" dir=\"ltr\">Ambassador Mitchell Reiss recounts his experience battling <a href=\"https:\/\/x.com\/hashtag\/Iranian?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">#Iranian<\/a> regime&#39;s misinformation and propaganda to successfully delist the MEK from the US State Department&#39;s FTO.<a href=\"https:\/\/x.com\/hashtag\/FreeIran2024?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">#FreeIran2024<\/a> <a href=\"https:\/\/t.co\/gr5j3doyjW\">pic.twitter.com\/gr5j3doyjW<\/a><\/p>\n<p>&mdash; NCRI-FAC (@iran_policy) <a href=\"https:\/\/x.com\/iran_policy\/status\/1798435365050581332?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">June 5, 2024<\/a><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p><script async src=\"https:\/\/platform.x.com\/widgets.js\" charset=\"utf-8\"><\/script><\/p>\n<h2 style=\"text-align: justify;\" aria-level=\"2\">What he did with that credibility<\/h2>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span data-contrast=\"auto\">Dehghan covered the 2009 uprising, political prisoners, censorship, executions, repression of journalists, Kahrizak abuses and restrictions on women. His Guardian archive contains extensive reporting that Iranian authorities had every reason to dislike. His own 2010 account of <\/span><i><span data-contrast=\"auto\">For Neda<\/span><\/i><span data-contrast=\"auto\"> accused Tehran of trying to neutralize the impact of Agha-Soltan&#8217;s death and described the regime as sophisticated in its efforts to impose its version of events. That history was the foundation of his authority.<\/span><span data-ccp-props=\"{&quot;134233117&quot;:false,&quot;134233118&quot;:false,&quot;335559738&quot;:240,&quot;335559739&quot;:240}\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span data-contrast=\"auto\">But when Dehghan moved from documenting abuses to interpreting what Iranians wanted politically, a different and highly consequential pattern emerged. On 7 January 2010, in \u201cThe wrong approach to Iran,\u201d he argued explicitly against increased Western support for the National Council of Resistance of Iran. <a href=\"https:\/\/www.theguardian.com\/commentisfree\/2010\/jan\/07\/iran-britain-foreign-policy\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">He said the NCRI did not<\/a> represent the Iranian opposition, was unpopular inside Iran and that Western support for it would allow Tehran to associate domestic protesters with the organization. The article&#8217;s central policy message was that external pressure and support for regime-change opposition would worsen conditions rather than advance change.<\/span><span data-ccp-props=\"{&quot;134233117&quot;:false,&quot;134233118&quot;:false,&quot;335559738&quot;:240,&quot;335559739&quot;:240}\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span data-contrast=\"auto\">The same underlying argument resurfaced repeatedly. In April 2017, his Guardian opinion article carried an even clearer headline: \u201cIran&#8217;s people care about elections. The so-called democratic fringe doesn&#8217;t.\u201d <a href=\"https:\/\/www.theguardian.com\/commentisfree\/2017\/apr\/28\/elections-iran-opposition-group-mek-trump\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">He described<\/a> prominent exile opposition forces as fringe, irrelevant to modern Iran and appealing to \u201cgullible Americans.\u201d More significantly, he argued that Iranian participation in elections demonstrated continued faith in gradual change and concluded that voices like Maryam Rajavi should be dismissed while reform-minded Iranians worked for change from within.<\/span><span data-ccp-props=\"{&quot;134233117&quot;:false,&quot;134233118&quot;:false,&quot;201341983&quot;:0,&quot;335551550&quot;:1,&quot;335551620&quot;:1,&quot;335559685&quot;:0,&quot;335559737&quot;:0,&quot;335559738&quot;:240,&quot;335559739&quot;:240,&quot;335559740&quot;:278}\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<blockquote class=\"twitter-tweet\" data-width=\"550\" data-dnt=\"true\">\n<p lang=\"en\" dir=\"ltr\">Amb. Mitchell Reiss: Outside <a href=\"https:\/\/x.com\/hashtag\/Iran?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">#Iran<\/a>, the regime, its allies, and its proxies continue to spread misinformation. Academics repeat and spread these lies. We need to showcase <a href=\"https:\/\/x.com\/Maryam_Rajavi?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">@Maryam_Rajavi<\/a>, as we see her. An inspiring, committed, passionate, and democratic leader. <a href=\"https:\/\/t.co\/UKjpSNO4pW\">pic.twitter.com\/UKjpSNO4pW<\/a><\/p>\n<p>&mdash; NCRI-FAC (@iran_policy) <a href=\"https:\/\/x.com\/iran_policy\/status\/1814148155941802103?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">July 19, 2024<\/a><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p><script async src=\"https:\/\/platform.x.com\/widgets.js\" charset=\"utf-8\"><\/script><\/p>\n<h2 style=\"text-align: justify;\" aria-level=\"2\">The political value of \u201creform from within\u201d<\/h2>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span data-contrast=\"auto\">That argument went beyond criticism of particular opposition organizations. It established a hierarchy of political legitimacy. The Islamic Republic could be repressive, but its elections still mattered. Its reformists and moderates represented authentic Iranian politics. Regime-change movements existed outside that legitimate arena and lacked meaningful domestic constituency. Western pressure empowered hardliners, while engagement gave internal reform a chance. Dehghan returned to this framework again in May 2018, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.theguardian.com\/commentisfree\/2018\/may\/03\/trump-nuclear-deal-iran-reform-netanyahu-tehran\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">warning that destruction<\/a> of the nuclear agreement would mean the end of hopes for reform and strengthen Iran&#8217;s hardliners.<\/span><span data-ccp-props=\"{&quot;134233117&quot;:false,&quot;134233118&quot;:false,&quot;335559738&quot;:240,&quot;335559739&quot;:240}\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span data-contrast=\"auto\">The principal beneficiary of that framework was the existing state. Tehran did not need Western audiences to embrace the clerical regime. It benefited if they accepted three propositions instead: <\/span><b><span data-contrast=\"auto\">the system was durable; meaningful politics occurred within it; and its organized alternatives were less credible than gradual change through its own institutions<\/span><\/b><span data-contrast=\"auto\">. That turns regime survival from a political preference into the supposedly realistic option. The distinction is important because it shifts the policy debate. Pressure becomes reckless, regime change becomes implausible, opposition becomes suspect, and engagement with actors inside the tyrannical regime becomes the responsible course.<\/span><span data-ccp-props=\"{&quot;134233117&quot;:false,&quot;134233118&quot;:false,&quot;201341983&quot;:0,&quot;335551550&quot;:1,&quot;335551620&quot;:1,&quot;335559685&quot;:0,&quot;335559737&quot;:0,&quot;335559738&quot;:240,&quot;335559739&quot;:240,&quot;335559740&quot;:278}\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span data-contrast=\"auto\">Dehghan&#8217;s biography made that argument unusually persuasive. If the same propositions appeared on Press TV, readers could identify them immediately as the position of the Iranian state. When they appeared under the Guardian masthead from a journalist known for documenting executions and repression, they arrived carrying accumulated credibility. That is precisely how influence can work without crude propaganda: the power lies not only in the argument, but in <\/span><b><span data-contrast=\"auto\">who appears to have reached it independently<\/span><\/b><span data-contrast=\"auto\">.<\/span><span data-ccp-props=\"{&quot;134233117&quot;:false,&quot;134233118&quot;:false,&quot;335559738&quot;:240,&quot;335559739&quot;:240}\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<blockquote class=\"twitter-tweet\" data-width=\"550\" data-dnt=\"true\">\n<p lang=\"en\" dir=\"ltr\">New Report Shows How <a href=\"https:\/\/x.com\/hashtag\/Iran?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">#Iran<\/a> Regime Spread &#39;Fake News&#39; Online<br \/>The Iranian regime has been caught once again spreading misinformation and &#39;fake news&#39; online, according to a report published on May 14, 2019 by a research group at the University of <a href=\"https:\/\/x.com\/hashtag\/Toronto?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">#Toronto<\/a>.<a href=\"https:\/\/t.co\/IF7BxPQ61v\">https:\/\/t.co\/IF7BxPQ61v<\/a> <a href=\"https:\/\/t.co\/0TUud5M2gJ\">pic.twitter.com\/0TUud5M2gJ<\/a><\/p>\n<p>&mdash; NCRI-FAC (@iran_policy) <a href=\"https:\/\/x.com\/iran_policy\/status\/1128653040855212034?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">May 15, 2019<\/a><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p><script async src=\"https:\/\/platform.x.com\/widgets.js\" charset=\"utf-8\"><\/script><\/p>\n<h2 style=\"text-align: justify;\" aria-level=\"2\">How Tehran recycled his Western authority<\/h2>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span data-contrast=\"auto\">Iranian state media understood that distinction. When Dehghan&#8217;s words supported narratives useful to Tehran, they repeatedly emphasized the institution that had given him international standing. In February 2020, Press TV did not describe him merely as an Iranian commentator. <a href=\"https:\/\/www.presstv.co.uk\/Detail\/2012\/02\/29\/619794\/UK-Media-Guardian-Anti-Iran-Bias\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Its headline called him<\/a> a <\/span><b><span data-contrast=\"auto\">Guardian journalist<\/span><\/b><span data-contrast=\"auto\"> who had been \u201cdemoted for relatively fair reporting on Iran.\u201d The story used his dispute with his employer to argue that British media enforced an anti-Iran agenda. His Guardian affiliation was the credential that made the claim useful.<\/span><span data-ccp-props=\"{&quot;134233117&quot;:false,&quot;134233118&quot;:false,&quot;335559738&quot;:240,&quot;335559739&quot;:240}\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span data-contrast=\"auto\">Days later, the <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/www.tehrantimes.com\/news\/445759\/Guardian-reporter-speaks-out-on-Neda-Agha-Soltan-Jamal-Khashoggi\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><i><span data-contrast=\"auto\">Tehran Times<\/span><\/i><\/a><span data-contrast=\"auto\"> published a lengthy interview under the headline \u201cGuardian reporter speaks out on Neda Agha-Soltan&#8230;\u201d The subheadline foregrounded Dehghan&#8217;s declaration that he had been naive to believe the \u201cWestern narrative\u201d surrounding Agha-Soltan&#8217;s death. The article repeatedly called him a Guardian journalist and highlighted his role in <\/span><i><span data-contrast=\"auto\">For Neda<\/span><\/i><span data-contrast=\"auto\"> before presenting his reversal. He said he regretted making the documentary, questioned who had killed Neda and described himself as having been sent to Iran to humanize a Western narrative.<\/span><span data-ccp-props=\"{&quot;134233117&quot;:false,&quot;134233118&quot;:false,&quot;335559738&quot;:240,&quot;335559739&quot;:240}\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span data-contrast=\"auto\">This is the information loop in its clearest form. A young Iranian journalist acquires authority through a Western newspaper partly by documenting abuses the Iranian state denies. Years later, an Iranian state outlet uses that same Western affiliation to authenticate his repudiation of one of the most iconic narratives of the 2009 uprising. The value comes from the conversion: <\/span><b><span data-contrast=\"auto\">\u201cIran says the Western account is false\u201d becomes \u201cthe Guardian journalist who helped produce the Western account now says it was wrong.\u201d<\/span><\/b><span data-contrast=\"auto\"> The substance may be identical, but the source attribution changes its persuasive power.<\/span><span data-ccp-props=\"{&quot;134233117&quot;:false,&quot;134233118&quot;:false,&quot;335559738&quot;:240,&quot;335559739&quot;:240}\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<blockquote class=\"twitter-tweet\" data-width=\"550\" data-dnt=\"true\">\n<p lang=\"en\" dir=\"ltr\">Iran\u2019s Cyber Army: A Force of Disinformation for a Cursed Cause<a href=\"https:\/\/t.co\/Vv7KqLFfDM\">https:\/\/t.co\/Vv7KqLFfDM<\/a><\/p>\n<p>&mdash; NCRI-FAC (@iran_policy) <a href=\"https:\/\/x.com\/iran_policy\/status\/1649193729977389056?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">April 20, 2023<\/a><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p><script async src=\"https:\/\/platform.x.com\/widgets.js\" charset=\"utf-8\"><\/script><\/p>\n<h2 style=\"text-align: justify;\" aria-level=\"2\">The return to Iran changes the picture<\/h2>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span data-contrast=\"auto\">Dehghan&#8217;s return to Iran in 2026 gave this trajectory a new significance. Reports suggest that he had been in the country since <\/span><b><span data-contrast=\"auto\">11 April 2026<\/span><\/b><span data-contrast=\"auto\"> and on 23\u201324 April posted English-language observations about his trip. He described the ceasefire as holding, daily life as returning to normal, travel around the country as safe and the political system as stable despite the deaths of senior officials.\u00a0<\/span><span data-ccp-props=\"{&quot;134233117&quot;:false,&quot;134233118&quot;:false,&quot;201341983&quot;:0,&quot;335551550&quot;:1,&quot;335551620&quot;:1,&quot;335559685&quot;:0,&quot;335559737&quot;:0,&quot;335559738&quot;:240,&quot;335559739&quot;:240,&quot;335559740&quot;:278}\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span data-contrast=\"auto\">The contrast with Iran&#8217;s treatment of other journalists is stark. <a href=\"https:\/\/rsf.org\/en\/journalists-families-increasingly-targeted-intimidation-tactics-repressive-regimes\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">RSF has documented<\/a> foreign correspondents being monitored by intelligence officials, threatened with loss of accreditation and prosecuted under espionage or collaboration charges. In 2026, the environment has become still harsher: journalists have been arrested, communications equipment seized and ordinary contact with foreign media is moving toward criminalization. Many Iranian journalists abroad have reported that their relatives inside the country are interrogated and threatened because of their journalism.<\/span><span data-ccp-props=\"{&quot;134233117&quot;:false,&quot;134233118&quot;:false,&quot;201341983&quot;:0,&quot;335551550&quot;:1,&quot;335551620&quot;:1,&quot;335559685&quot;:0,&quot;335559737&quot;:0,&quot;335559738&quot;:240,&quot;335559739&quot;:240,&quot;335559740&quot;:278}\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span data-contrast=\"auto\">Dehghan&#8217;s own 2010 account makes the comparison especially difficult to ignore. He wrote that Iranian authorities had regarded his foreign-media reporting as spying, that the Intelligence Ministry had warned him out of the country, and that he lived in fear of arrest. Yet in <a href=\"https:\/\/iranwire.com\/en\/news\/151675-activists-alarmed-as-ex-guardian-journalist-reappears-in-iran\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">April 2026 he was back inside Iran<\/a>, traveling and publishing English-language observations about stability and normal life. The reporter who once described himself as forced into exile for telling foreign audiences what Tehran did not want them to hear had become a returnee telling those audiences, from inside Iran, that the system was stable and the country was functioning.<\/span><span data-ccp-props=\"{&quot;134233117&quot;:false,&quot;134233118&quot;:false,&quot;335559738&quot;:240,&quot;335559739&quot;:240}\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<div class=\"lyte-wrapper\" title=\"Debunking propaganda against People&amp;#039;s Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI\/MEK)\" style=\"width:853px;max-width:100%;margin:5px;\"><div class=\"lyMe\" id=\"WYL_qEsdvwQI808\" itemprop=\"video\" itemscope itemtype=\"https:\/\/schema.org\/VideoObject\"><div><meta itemprop=\"thumbnailUrl\" content=\"https:\/\/www.ncr-iran.org\/en\/wp-content\/plugins\/wp-youtube-lyte\/lyteCache.php?origThumbUrl=https%3A%2F%2Fi.ytimg.com%2Fvi%2FqEsdvwQI808%2Fhqdefault.jpg\" \/><meta itemprop=\"embedURL\" content=\"https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/embed\/qEsdvwQI808\" \/><meta itemprop=\"duration\" content=\"PT24M17S\" \/><meta itemprop=\"uploadDate\" content=\"2023-03-16T21:14:53Z\" \/><\/div><div id=\"lyte_qEsdvwQI808\" data-src=\"https:\/\/www.ncr-iran.org\/en\/wp-content\/plugins\/wp-youtube-lyte\/lyteCache.php?origThumbUrl=https%3A%2F%2Fi.ytimg.com%2Fvi%2FqEsdvwQI808%2Fhqdefault.jpg\" class=\"pL\"><div class=\"tC\"><div class=\"tT\" itemprop=\"name\">Debunking propaganda against People&#039;s Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI\/MEK)<\/div><\/div><button tabindex=\"0\" class=\"play\"><\/button><div class=\"ctrl\"><div class=\"Lctrl\"><\/div><div class=\"Rctrl\"><\/div><\/div><\/div><noscript><a href=\"https:\/\/youtu.be\/qEsdvwQI808\" rel=\"nofollow\"><img decoding=\"async\" src=\"https:\/\/www.ncr-iran.org\/en\/wp-content\/plugins\/wp-youtube-lyte\/lyteCache.php?origThumbUrl=https%3A%2F%2Fi.ytimg.com%2Fvi%2FqEsdvwQI808%2F0.jpg\" alt=\"Debunking propaganda against People&amp;#039;s Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI\/MEK)\" width=\"853\" height=\"460\" \/><br \/>Watch this video on YouTube<\/a><\/noscript><meta itemprop=\"description\" content=\"At a Nowruz celebration in the U.S. Senate, Ambassador Lincoln Bloomfield, the former Assistant Secretary of State for Political-Military Affairs, debunked the oft-repeated propaganda against Iranian opposition People&#039;s Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI\/MEK). 00:00 - Intro 02:10 - Did the MEK kill Americans in the 1970s? 03:03 - Was MEK involved in the hostage-taking of the American embassy in Tehran? 05:03 - Is MEK a Marxist group? 06:50 - Was the MEK allied with Saddam Hussein? 07:37 - Where does MEK get its money from? 08:55 - US government demonizes MEK in hostage negotiations with Iran&#039;s regime 09:58 - Why did the US label MEK as terrorists? 14:44 - Congressional support for MEK 17:50 - Media propaganda against the MEK 20:00 - Does the MEK want to seize power in Iran? 22:10 - The truth about the SAVAK 23:15 - Final remarks *** Content on the PMOI\/MEK&#039;s official YouTube channel is not subject to copyright if the source is mentioned ***\"><\/div><\/div><div class=\"lL\" style=\"max-width:100%;width:853px;margin:5px;\"><\/div><\/p>\n<h2 style=\"text-align: justify;\" aria-level=\"2\">Access itself became part of the message<\/h2>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span data-contrast=\"auto\">His ability to publish those messages was notable for another reason. On 28 February 2026, when war broke out, Iranian authorities drove national internet connectivity to a tiny fraction of normal levels. CPJ reported that most of the country was effectively offline while a small number of users, including some state-linked media, retained access through a restricted <a href=\"https:\/\/www.ncr-iran.org\/en\/fake-opposition\/irans-white-sim-internet-how-tehran-hacks-the-feed-you-trust\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u201cwhite internet.\u201d<\/a> Meanwhile, Dehghan was posting English-language Instagram material at a time when ordinary Iranian users remained denied normal access to Instagram and the global internet.<\/span><span data-ccp-props=\"{&quot;134233117&quot;:false,&quot;134233118&quot;:false,&quot;201341983&quot;:0,&quot;335551550&quot;:1,&quot;335551620&quot;:1,&quot;335559685&quot;:0,&quot;335559737&quot;:0,&quot;335559738&quot;:240,&quot;335559739&quot;:240,&quot;335559740&quot;:278}\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span data-contrast=\"auto\">That disparity belongs to the same security architecture as censorship. During unrest or war, reducing ordinary citizens&#8217; ability to upload footage, contact foreign journalists or contradict official accounts makes every remaining international voice more valuable. When the public is disconnected but selected institutions and individuals continue communicating abroad, connectivity determines who gets to describe reality. The advantage is not merely technological. It is editorial.<\/span><span data-ccp-props=\"{&quot;134233117&quot;:false,&quot;134233118&quot;:false,&quot;201341983&quot;:0,&quot;335551550&quot;:1,&quot;335551620&quot;:1,&quot;335559685&quot;:0,&quot;335559737&quot;:0,&quot;335559738&quot;:240,&quot;335559739&quot;:240,&quot;335559740&quot;:278}\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span data-contrast=\"auto\">Dehghan&#8217;s April observations therefore carried several layers of authority at once. He was Iranian, physically inside the country, experienced as a foreign correspondent, known to Western readers through the Guardian and communicating in English. His message \u2014 that normality was returning and the system remained stable \u2014 did not have to be published by an Iranian ministry to serve the state&#8217;s immediate security interest. Its value came precisely from appearing as the observation of a Western-trained journalist with a long history of criticizing the regime.<\/span><span data-ccp-props=\"{&quot;134233117&quot;:false,&quot;134233118&quot;:false,&quot;335559738&quot;:240,&quot;335559739&quot;:240}\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<div class=\"lyte-wrapper\" title=\"Iranian Lobbyist&rsquo;s Arrest Should Lead To Broader Efforts To Counter Iran&rsquo;s Covert Influence\" style=\"width:853px;max-width:100%;margin:5px;\"><div class=\"lyMe\" id=\"WYL_53Le7AhQtuo\" itemprop=\"video\" itemscope itemtype=\"https:\/\/schema.org\/VideoObject\"><div><meta itemprop=\"thumbnailUrl\" content=\"https:\/\/www.ncr-iran.org\/en\/wp-content\/plugins\/wp-youtube-lyte\/lyteCache.php?origThumbUrl=https%3A%2F%2Fi.ytimg.com%2Fvi%2F53Le7AhQtuo%2Fhqdefault.jpg\" \/><meta itemprop=\"embedURL\" content=\"https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/embed\/53Le7AhQtuo\" \/><meta itemprop=\"duration\" content=\"PT4M45S\" \/><meta itemprop=\"uploadDate\" content=\"2021-02-06T21:49:46Z\" \/><\/div><div id=\"lyte_53Le7AhQtuo\" data-src=\"https:\/\/www.ncr-iran.org\/en\/wp-content\/plugins\/wp-youtube-lyte\/lyteCache.php?origThumbUrl=https%3A%2F%2Fi.ytimg.com%2Fvi%2F53Le7AhQtuo%2Fhqdefault.jpg\" class=\"pL\"><div class=\"tC\"><div class=\"tT\" itemprop=\"name\">Iranian Lobbyist\u2019s Arrest Should Lead To Broader Efforts To Counter Iran\u2019s Covert Influence<\/div><\/div><button tabindex=\"0\" class=\"play\"><\/button><div class=\"ctrl\"><div class=\"Lctrl\"><\/div><div class=\"Rctrl\"><\/div><\/div><\/div><noscript><a href=\"https:\/\/youtu.be\/53Le7AhQtuo\" rel=\"nofollow\"><img decoding=\"async\" src=\"https:\/\/www.ncr-iran.org\/en\/wp-content\/plugins\/wp-youtube-lyte\/lyteCache.php?origThumbUrl=https%3A%2F%2Fi.ytimg.com%2Fvi%2F53Le7AhQtuo%2F0.jpg\" alt=\"Iranian Lobbyist&rsquo;s Arrest Should Lead To Broader Efforts To Counter Iran&rsquo;s Covert Influence\" width=\"853\" height=\"460\" \/><br \/>Watch this video on YouTube<\/a><\/noscript><meta itemprop=\"description\" content=\"On January 19, an Iranian American Kaveh Lotfolah Afrasiabi made his first appearance in a US federal court charged for extensive violation of the Foreign Agents Registration Act. He was presenting himself to policymakers and journalists as an independent expert on foreign relations. Court documents reveal that he was paid at least 265,000 dollars during the past 13 years for his service to Iran\u2019s theocratic dictatorship. Afrasiabi, who holds a PhD, is by no means the only Western-educated asset to successfully lobby for years on behalf of the Iranian regime. In 2009, he even assisted a member of the US Congress in drafting a letter to then-President Barack Obama which expressed support for a fuel swap agreement that Tehran itself had proposed. That fact alone should be recognized as a sign of how deeply Iranian assets have managed to penetrate into Western policy circles and the media landscape. If a suspected Iranian asset has made separate statements that are critical of Iranian human rights violations or other malign activities, it is no proof that they aren\u2019t dedicated to the mission of promoting Western policies that are more favorable to Tehran. This defense was attempted by Trita Parsi, the founder of the National Iranian American Council (NIAC), in a defamation suit against those who accused the organization of allegiance to the Iranian regime, but was rejected by district court judge John Bates. \u201cEven a moderately competent agent of the Iranian regime would at times take pains to distance themselves from some policies of the regime,\u201d Bates explained in the context of his decision to reject Parsi\u2019s defamation claims. He then went on to add that even if unproven, the allegations of NIAC were well-founded on the basis of the \u201coverwhelming\u201d pattern of political alignment between the Iranian regime and the supposedly self-funded American NGO. The source of NIAC\u2019s funding has never been credibly identified, and Parsi himself was compelled by the lawsuit to acknowledge that initial claims regarding the existence of over 4,000 donor-members were erroneous. NIAC\u2019s ongoing advocacy for pro-Iranian positions has only cast more suspicion on the organization over the past decade, yet it has been permitted to continue lobbying openly throughout that time. Of course, many serious critics of the Iranian regime have been arguing for closer scrutiny of the mission and loyalty of groups like NIAC since long before Afrasiabi\u2019s arrest. Last year, Senators Mike Braun, Ted Cruz, and Tom Cotton wrote to the Attorney General\u2019s office urging a formal investigation into the Iran lobby. The letter highlighted a number of specific examples of NIAC downplaying Tehran culpability for its own malign behaviors and amplifying Iranian talking points that described the US as being at fault for crises such as militant attacks on the American embassy in Baghdad. In the near term, the Afrasiabi case should motivate a more serious response to anyone who raises alarms over similar lobbying efforts by NIAC, Parsi, or any similar organization or individual. It is primarily thanks to individuals like Afrasiabi that some Western governments tend to operate on the assumption that the Iranian regime is stable, powerful, and free from serious domestic threats to the theocratic system. That assumption began to lose support in January 2018 when the Iranian people staged the first of three anti-government uprisings under the leadership of the NCRI\u2019s main constituent group, the People\u2019s Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI-MEK). But it has still been clinging to life as some Western policymakers and news outlets have continued to lend their ear to figures like Trita Parsi who insist, quite absurdly, that support for such pro-democracy movements would be the greatest threat to the illusory promise of internal reform of the Iranian regime. Read More: https:\/\/www.ncr-iran.org https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/IranNCR\/ https:\/\/twitter.com\/iran_policy Subscribe to NCRI weekly newsletter t.ly\/MybJ #Iran #lobby #MOIS\"><\/div><\/div><div class=\"lL\" style=\"max-width:100%;width:853px;margin:5px;\"><\/div><\/p>\n<h2 style=\"text-align: justify;\" aria-level=\"2\">The fabricated interview and the destruction of trust<\/h2>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span data-contrast=\"auto\">Four months after his documented April return, Dehghan publicly acknowledged that his celebrated 2010 <a href=\"https:\/\/www.theguardian.com\/world\/2010\/aug\/06\/sakineh-mohammadi-ashtiani-iran-interview\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Guardian interview<\/a> with Sakineh Mohammadi Ashtiani had never happened. He said he had fabricated the entire interview and described it as completely untrue. The admission is devastating because of the sensitivity of the subject. The Guardian had placed the interview prominently before an international audience during one of the most important Iranian human-rights campaigns of the decade. Dehghan&#8217;s own research dossier records it as a 7 August 2010 front-page article.<\/span><span data-ccp-props=\"{&quot;134233117&quot;:false,&quot;134233118&quot;:false,&quot;335559738&quot;:240,&quot;335559739&quot;:240}\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span data-contrast=\"auto\">The fabricated interview and the underlying human rights case are two different things. Ashtiani&#8217;s stoning sentence existed independently of Dehghan&#8217;s article. <a href=\"https:\/\/www.amnesty.org\/en\/documents\/mde13\/083\/2010\/en\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Amnesty International reported<\/a> on August 9, 2010, that the sentence remained in place while the Supreme Court reviewed her case. The fabrication therefore did not expose a fictitious Iranian punishment; it contaminated a real case with invented testimony. That makes its long-term damage considerably greater.<\/span><span data-ccp-props=\"{&quot;134233117&quot;:false,&quot;134233118&quot;:false,&quot;335559738&quot;:240,&quot;335559739&quot;:240}\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span data-contrast=\"auto\">A major human-rights story depends upon a chain of trust: prisoner to family member, lawyer to activist, activist to reporter, reporter to editor, newspaper to reader. Once one of the most visible links is revealed to have been invented, doubt spreads beyond the false text. The next prisoner alleging torture, the next family describing an execution, the next anonymous source inside a prison, and the next human-rights organization relying on testimony all inherit part of the credibility deficit. Inside Iran, witnesses are already difficult to reach. Outside Iran, editors know that verification can be incomplete. A fabrication at this level makes the state accused of abuse stronger in the next dispute because <\/span><b><span data-contrast=\"auto\">the burden of proving the next violation rises while the burden of denying it falls<\/span><\/b><span data-contrast=\"auto\">.<\/span><span data-ccp-props=\"{&quot;134233117&quot;:false,&quot;134233118&quot;:false,&quot;335559738&quot;:240,&quot;335559739&quot;:240}\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<blockquote class=\"twitter-tweet\" data-width=\"550\" data-dnt=\"true\">\n<p lang=\"en\" dir=\"ltr\">The disguise is gone. The crow has returned to its nest, but the feathers tell the tale.<br \/>Saeed Kamali Dehghan, &quot;journalist&quot; who diabolized the Iranian Resistance in <a href=\"https:\/\/x.com\/guardian?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">@guardian<\/a> , returns to the mullahs&#39; Iran to continue his mission. <a href=\"https:\/\/t.co\/Kf77PjFo8b\">https:\/\/t.co\/Kf77PjFo8b<\/a> <a href=\"https:\/\/t.co\/ttYz4nKxYT\">pic.twitter.com\/ttYz4nKxYT<\/a><\/p>\n<p>&mdash; Aladdin Touran (@AladdinTouran) <a href=\"https:\/\/x.com\/AladdinTouran\/status\/2094123803244716272?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">August 30, 2026<\/a><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p><script async src=\"https:\/\/platform.x.com\/widgets.js\" charset=\"utf-8\"><\/script><\/p>\n<h2 style=\"text-align: justify;\" aria-level=\"2\">Who the confession hurts \u2014 and who it serves<\/h2>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span data-contrast=\"auto\">The first people harmed are therefore not politicians but genuine victims and human-rights investigators. Dehghan&#8217;s invention gives future audiences a reason to hesitate over reports emerging from a closed country. It damages the Guardian&#8217;s institutional authority, but the larger injury is to reporters and activists whose evidence is real. Iran&#8217;s regime does not need the public to believe that every account of torture, execution or repression is false. From a security standpoint, persuading people that such accounts <\/span><b><span data-contrast=\"auto\">might<\/span><\/b><span data-contrast=\"auto\"> be false can be sufficient to slow condemnation, fracture consensus and make verification disputes consume the story.<\/span><span data-ccp-props=\"{&quot;134233117&quot;:false,&quot;134233118&quot;:false,&quot;201341983&quot;:0,&quot;335551550&quot;:1,&quot;335551620&quot;:1,&quot;335559685&quot;:0,&quot;335559737&quot;:0,&quot;335559738&quot;:240,&quot;335559739&quot;:240,&quot;335559740&quot;:278}\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span data-contrast=\"auto\">As expected, Iranian state media immediately demonstrated that utility. Tasnim&#8217;s August 2026 headline did not confine the scandal to an invented interview. <a href=\"https:\/\/tasnimnews.ir\/fa\/news\/1405\/06\/04\/3680797\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">It presented the episode<\/a> as the \u201cconfession of a Guardian reporter\u201d and declared that the stoning story was a lie. The report said the Guardian had claimed that Ashtiani was sentenced to stoning and then used Dehghan&#8217;s admission to the interview to discredit the wider claim. Fars-linked news aggregation presented the affair as a Guardian admission to an \u201canti-Iran lie\u201d after sixteen years, while Hamshahri&#8217;s news channel circulated the confession to its own audience.<\/span><span data-ccp-props=\"{&quot;134233117&quot;:false,&quot;134233118&quot;:false,&quot;335559738&quot;:240,&quot;335559739&quot;:240}\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span data-contrast=\"auto\">That transformation is the point. <\/span><b><span data-contrast=\"auto\">A reporter confessed to fabricating an interview. Iranian media converted the confession into evidence that foreign reporting about Iranian human-rights abuses is itself fabricated.<\/span><\/b><span data-contrast=\"auto\"> The difference between those propositions is enormous, but information warfare thrives in that gap. Dehghan gave the state something more useful than another official denial: a proven journalistic falsehood carrying the Guardian&#8217;s name, produced by a reporter once celebrated for exposing Iran.<\/span><span data-ccp-props=\"{&quot;134233117&quot;:false,&quot;134233118&quot;:false,&quot;335559738&quot;:240,&quot;335559739&quot;:240}\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<blockquote class=\"twitter-tweet\" data-width=\"550\" data-dnt=\"true\">\n<p lang=\"en\" dir=\"ltr\">Iran\u2019s clerical rulers are under a naval blockade and bracing for another uprising. Their most durable strategic depth may not be geographical at all.<a href=\"https:\/\/t.co\/Np4xoLuiwB\">https:\/\/t.co\/Np4xoLuiwB<\/a><\/p>\n<p>&mdash; NCRI-FAC (@iran_policy) <a href=\"https:\/\/x.com\/iran_policy\/status\/2095233456523362695?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">September 2, 2026<\/a><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p><script async src=\"https:\/\/platform.x.com\/widgets.js\" charset=\"utf-8\"><\/script><\/p>\n<h2 style=\"text-align: justify;\" aria-level=\"2\">The regime&#8217;s larger playbook: contaminate the information space<\/h2>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span data-contrast=\"auto\">Iran\u2019s clerical regime has repeatedly used more deliberate forms of the same information principle. Independent cybersecurity investigations have documented Iran-linked operations built around fake news sites, false identities and fabricated journalists. Google&#8217;s Mandiant reported networks in which <a href=\"https:\/\/cloud.google.com\/blog\/topics\/threat-intelligence\/information-operations-fabricated-personas-to-promote-iranian-interests\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">fictitious journalist personas<\/a> contacted real journalists and politicians to solicit interviews designed to advance favored political narratives. Another Iran-linked network disguised its origins behind apparently independent news sites aimed at audiences in the United States, Britain, Latin America and the Middle East.<\/span><span data-ccp-props=\"{&quot;134233117&quot;:false,&quot;134233118&quot;:false,&quot;335559738&quot;:240,&quot;335559739&quot;:240}\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span data-contrast=\"auto\">The more sophisticated operations do not simply broadcast \u201cIran says X.\u201d They manipulate <\/span><b><span data-contrast=\"auto\">provenance<\/span><\/b><span data-contrast=\"auto\"> \u2014 who appears to be saying X and where the information appears to originate. The <a href=\"https:\/\/www.atlanticcouncil.org\/in-depth-research-reports\/report\/iranian-digital-influence-efforts-guerrilla-broadcasting-for-the-twenty-first-century\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Atlantic Council<\/a>, drawing on Citizen Lab research, described Iranian-linked personas cultivating Western journalists and attempting to induce one reporter to amplify a false story hosted on a near-perfect imitation of a Harvard Kennedy School website. In March 2026, another Iran-linked influence operation was exposed using elaborate fake personas posing as journalists, activists and ordinary Western users before gradually introducing political messaging.<\/span><span data-ccp-props=\"{&quot;134233117&quot;:false,&quot;134233118&quot;:false,&quot;335559738&quot;:240,&quot;335559739&quot;:240}\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span data-contrast=\"auto\">This is the strategic logic behind contaminating the information environment. A false claim can succeed by being believed, but it can also succeed by <a href=\"https:\/\/cloud.google.com\/blog\/topics\/threat-intelligence\/suspected-iranian-influence-operation\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">making audiences distrust<\/a> the system through which claims are verified. In Dehghan&#8217;s Ashtiani case, the fabrication was his own admitted work. Tehran&#8217;s information machinery did not need to create it. Sixteen years later, it only had to <\/span><b><span data-contrast=\"auto\">weaponize the disclosure<\/span><\/b><span data-contrast=\"auto\">. A genuine journalistic scandal became a reusable precedent against foreign reporting itself.<\/span><span data-ccp-props=\"{&quot;134233117&quot;:false,&quot;134233118&quot;:false,&quot;335559738&quot;:240,&quot;335559739&quot;:240}\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<div class=\"lyte-wrapper\" title=\"Why is Tehran heavily investing in propaganda against the MEK?\" style=\"width:853px;max-width:100%;margin:5px;\"><div class=\"lyMe\" id=\"WYL_qnMBGE0TVAo\" itemprop=\"video\" itemscope itemtype=\"https:\/\/schema.org\/VideoObject\"><div><meta itemprop=\"thumbnailUrl\" content=\"https:\/\/www.ncr-iran.org\/en\/wp-content\/plugins\/wp-youtube-lyte\/lyteCache.php?origThumbUrl=https%3A%2F%2Fi.ytimg.com%2Fvi%2FqnMBGE0TVAo%2Fhqdefault.jpg\" \/><meta itemprop=\"embedURL\" content=\"https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/embed\/qnMBGE0TVAo\" \/><meta itemprop=\"duration\" content=\"PT2M20S\" \/><meta itemprop=\"uploadDate\" content=\"2023-02-09T13:02:50Z\" \/><\/div><div id=\"lyte_qnMBGE0TVAo\" data-src=\"https:\/\/www.ncr-iran.org\/en\/wp-content\/plugins\/wp-youtube-lyte\/lyteCache.php?origThumbUrl=https%3A%2F%2Fi.ytimg.com%2Fvi%2FqnMBGE0TVAo%2Fhqdefault.jpg\" class=\"pL\"><div class=\"tC\"><div class=\"tT\" itemprop=\"name\">Why is Tehran heavily investing in propaganda against the MEK?<\/div><\/div><button tabindex=\"0\" class=\"play\"><\/button><div class=\"ctrl\"><div class=\"Lctrl\"><\/div><div class=\"Rctrl\"><\/div><\/div><\/div><noscript><a href=\"https:\/\/youtu.be\/qnMBGE0TVAo\" rel=\"nofollow\"><img decoding=\"async\" src=\"https:\/\/www.ncr-iran.org\/en\/wp-content\/plugins\/wp-youtube-lyte\/lyteCache.php?origThumbUrl=https%3A%2F%2Fi.ytimg.com%2Fvi%2FqnMBGE0TVAo%2F0.jpg\" alt=\"Why is Tehran heavily investing in propaganda against the MEK?\" width=\"853\" height=\"460\" \/><br \/>Watch this video on YouTube<\/a><\/noscript><meta itemprop=\"description\" content=\"Over the past forty years, the People&#039;s Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI\/MEK) has been the main target of the Iranian regime&#039;s demonization campaign. One of the main goals of the Iranian regime&#039;s demonization campaign against the MEK has been to spread the narrative that the MEK is a fringe group, a cult with no popular base inside Iran. A quick look at the statistics of some articles published against the MEK by the Iranian regime proves the opposite: The Iranian regime has produced more than 198 movies, documentaries, and television series against the MEK, which are broadcast and rebroadcast on various TV channels of the regime, including 881 programs. The regime has published more than 550 books against the MEK. In 20 years, the Nejat Society, affiliated with Iran&#039;s Ministry of Intelligence (MOIS), has posted more than 25,331 articles against the MEK. That means 3 to 4 pieces or video clips a day for twenty straight years. In 8 years, Faraq, another MOIS-affiliated website, has posted more than 12,501 articles against MEK. That means 4 to 5 articles a day for eight straight years. The MOIS-affiliated Habilian website has posted 17,563 articles against MEK in the past 17 years. That is, for 17 straight years, an average of 2 to 3 articles daily. The main task of the Revolutionary Guard Corps&#039; cyber army is to demonize the MEK in cyberspace. According to Gholamreza Soleimani, the commander of the IRGC&#039;s Basij Organization, more than 80,000 Basij are active in cyberspace. Now the question is if the MEK has no popular base in Iran and is a fringe group, why is the regime so fearful of the MEK, and why should it spend so much on such a group? Millions of articles on dozens of websites at home and abroad 198 movies 881 documentary films 550 copies of books A cyber army of at least 80,000 And spending millions of dollars to publish articles in the western media against the MEK. The answer is clear. The Iranian regime considers the MEK, and its popular base, as the main threat to its existence. Read More: https:\/\/www.ncr-iran.org https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/IranNCR\/ https:\/\/twitter.com\/iran_policy Subscribe to NCRI weekly newsletter: https:\/\/tinyurl.com\/4jtprrtp\"><\/div><\/div><div class=\"lL\" style=\"max-width:100%;width:853px;margin:5px;\"><\/div><\/p>\n<h2 style=\"text-align: justify;\" aria-level=\"2\">From Western journalism back into state media<\/h2>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span data-contrast=\"auto\">The same mechanism can be seen in the way Iranian outlets identify Dehghan. They repeatedly give him the credential Tehran itself cannot manufacture: <\/span><b><span data-contrast=\"auto\">Guardian journalist<\/span><\/b><span data-contrast=\"auto\">. Press TV used it when defending his reporting as \u201crelatively fair.\u201d Tehran Times used it when publicizing his rejection of the earlier Neda narrative. Tasnim used it when presenting his fabricated Ashtiani interview as evidence against foreign media. The institutional name is part of the message because it allows state media to tell audiences that these are not merely Tehran&#8217;s allegations; they are concessions coming from inside a prestigious Western journalistic institution.<\/span><span data-ccp-props=\"{&quot;134233117&quot;:false,&quot;134233118&quot;:false,&quot;335559738&quot;:240,&quot;335559739&quot;:240}\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span data-contrast=\"auto\">His work also traveled beyond the immediate news cycle. Research in the material assembled for this investigation shows that Dehghan&#8217;s reporting on the Iranian opposition later became a published source for subsequent writers and researchers. His 2018 article on the MEK, for example, entered later academic and analytical citations. This is how a frame becomes durable. Once a characterization appears in a respected newspaper, subsequent writers cite the newspaper rather than reconstructing the original source chain. A correspondent&#8217;s assessment can eventually become background knowledge.<\/span><span data-ccp-props=\"{&quot;134233117&quot;:false,&quot;134233118&quot;:false,&quot;335559738&quot;:240,&quot;335559739&quot;:240}\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span data-contrast=\"auto\">That recursive process is particularly important to Tehran&#8217;s effort to discredit opposition groups. In 2010, Dehghan argued that Western support for the NCRI was harmful. In 2014 and 2017 he repeatedly described the <a href=\"https:\/\/www.theguardian.com\/world\/iran-blog\/2014\/may\/15\/canada-getting-it-wrong-on-iran\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">MEK as unpopular<\/a> or marginal. In April 2017 he extended the argument to regime change more broadly and presented electoral participation as evidence that Iranians continued to believe in gradual reform. His later reporting was not the only source of such views, nor did those arguments originate with him. His importance was that the arguments acquired the imprimatur of a journalist whose credibility had been earned by reporting abuses of the same government they ultimately benefited.<\/span><span data-ccp-props=\"{&quot;134233117&quot;:false,&quot;134233118&quot;:false,&quot;335559738&quot;:240,&quot;335559739&quot;:240}\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<div class=\"lyte-wrapper\" title=\"Iran&amp;#039;s disinformation campaign against the MEK via &amp;#039;friendly journalists&amp;#039;\" style=\"width:853px;max-width:100%;margin:5px;\"><div class=\"lyMe\" id=\"WYL_AsxtNqIMoG4\" itemprop=\"video\" itemscope itemtype=\"https:\/\/schema.org\/VideoObject\"><div><meta itemprop=\"thumbnailUrl\" content=\"https:\/\/www.ncr-iran.org\/en\/wp-content\/plugins\/wp-youtube-lyte\/lyteCache.php?origThumbUrl=https%3A%2F%2Fi.ytimg.com%2Fvi%2FAsxtNqIMoG4%2Fhqdefault.jpg\" \/><meta itemprop=\"embedURL\" content=\"https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/embed\/AsxtNqIMoG4\" \/><meta itemprop=\"duration\" content=\"PT16M7S\" \/><meta itemprop=\"uploadDate\" content=\"2020-09-09T15:32:21Z\" \/><\/div><div id=\"lyte_AsxtNqIMoG4\" data-src=\"https:\/\/www.ncr-iran.org\/en\/wp-content\/plugins\/wp-youtube-lyte\/lyteCache.php?origThumbUrl=https%3A%2F%2Fi.ytimg.com%2Fvi%2FAsxtNqIMoG4%2Fhqdefault.jpg\" class=\"pL\"><div class=\"tC\"><div class=\"tT\" itemprop=\"name\">Iran&#039;s disinformation campaign against the MEK via &#039;friendly journalists&#039;<\/div><\/div><button tabindex=\"0\" class=\"play\"><\/button><div class=\"ctrl\"><div class=\"Lctrl\"><\/div><div class=\"Rctrl\"><\/div><\/div><\/div><noscript><a href=\"https:\/\/youtu.be\/AsxtNqIMoG4\" rel=\"nofollow\"><img decoding=\"async\" src=\"https:\/\/www.ncr-iran.org\/en\/wp-content\/plugins\/wp-youtube-lyte\/lyteCache.php?origThumbUrl=https%3A%2F%2Fi.ytimg.com%2Fvi%2FAsxtNqIMoG4%2F0.jpg\" alt=\"Iran&amp;#039;s disinformation campaign against the MEK via &amp;#039;friendly journalists&amp;#039;\" width=\"853\" height=\"460\" \/><br \/>Watch this video on YouTube<\/a><\/noscript><meta itemprop=\"description\" content=\"On June 25, 2020, a German court ruled in favor of the National Council of Resistance of Iran, in a case challenging the content of Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung (FAZ) article purporting to describe the situation of PMOI\/MEK members in Ashraf-3 in Albania, which houses members of the People\u2019s Mojahedin Organization of Iran(PMOI-MEK). Both the compound, Ashraf 3, and the MEK have been targets of extensive disinformation campaigns by the Iranian regime. The same court ordered a similar case for another news publication, Der Spiegel, in March 2019. That publication, too, published an article that conveyed similar allegations against the MEK in general, and Ashraf-3 in Albania in particular. Both Der Spiegel and FAZ provided a platform for individuals who presented themselves as former MEK members and portrayed themselves as having fled their Albanian residence in the wake of mistreatment at the hands of MEK leadership in Albania. But the NCRI\u2019s legal challenge identified the originators of these allegations as operatives for, or collaborators with, Iran\u2019s Ministry of Intelligence and Security (MOIS). In the past two years, similar allegations from the same sources have been published in Britain\u2019s Channel 4, Al-Jazeera English, BBC, and The New York Times. This has been an organized campaign by the Iranian regime to demonize and discredit the MEK BUT WHY? While the Iranian regime\u2019s constantly been engaging in spreading misinformation about the Iranian opposition, these efforts took on a new scale as popular protests began emerging across Iran at the end of 2017, in which were chanted MEK slogans such as \u201cdeath to the dictator.\u201d These slogans gained popular support in Iran despite the regime\u2019s disinformation campaign against MEK &amp; NCRI. The Regime Change message of the 2018 uprising reflected the MEK\u2019s platform, while its spontaneous spread reflected a high level of organization that is only possible in the presence of a well-developed network of MEK activists. This is what the regime fears most and why it goes to great lengths to distract people from joining the resistance. In January 2018, the regime\u2019s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei publicly accused the MEK of planning and facilitating the 2018 uprising. That in turn set the stage for another nationwide protest in November 2019, which once again showcased MEK leadership and explicit calls for regime change. Having no way out of crises, the Iranian regime sees no other way out of its current dilemma than engaging in a reprehensible campaign of demonization of the MEK. The goals are: - Discrediting a viable alternative to the ruling theocracy that has succeeded both in organizing protests within Iran, and in disrupting the Iranian regime\u2019s terrorist activities and destructive policies. - Preparing the ground for terrorist attacks justified by such propaganda. The flip side of this coin is the forced televised confessions of prisoners to discredit the resistance against the regime. The Associated Press in a report published on June 25, 2020, wrote: \u201cstate television has broadcast the suspected coerced confessions of at least 355 people over the last decade as a means to both suppress dissent and frighten activists in the Islamic Republic on behalf of security services.\u201d In a nutshell, terrified of the enthusiasm exhibited by young people towards the MEK and the cause of regime change, and International support for the resistance, the regime desperately needs to either eliminate or isolate the democratic resistance movement, by fake news and demonizing campaign. #Iran #MEK #PMOI #NCRI #Rajavi #Mojahedin #Mujahedeen #Ashraf-3 #Ashraf #Albania Read More: https:\/\/www.ncr-iran.org https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/IranNCR\/ https:\/\/twitter.com\/iran_policy Subscribe to NCRI weekly newsletter t.ly\/MybJ\"><\/div><\/div><div class=\"lL\" style=\"max-width:100%;width:853px;margin:5px;\"><\/div><\/p>\n<h2 style=\"text-align: justify;\" aria-level=\"2\">The security dividend of doubt<\/h2>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span data-contrast=\"auto\">Taken across two decades, Dehghan&#8217;s importance is therefore not that he consistently praised the clerical dictatorship. He did not. His value in the information contest came from something more potent: <\/span><b><span data-contrast=\"auto\">credibility accumulated through criticism could later give exceptional authority to propositions that served the regime&#8217;s central security interests<\/span><\/b><span data-contrast=\"auto\">. He documented repression, and therefore his assurances about reform carried weight. He exposed abuses, and therefore his dismissal of regime-change opposition sounded informed rather than ideological. He helped create <\/span><i><span data-contrast=\"auto\">For Neda<\/span><\/i><span data-contrast=\"auto\">, and therefore his later repudiation of that narrative carried far more value to Tehran than the same argument from a state broadcaster.<\/span><span data-ccp-props=\"{&quot;134233117&quot;:false,&quot;134233118&quot;:false,&quot;335559738&quot;:240,&quot;335559739&quot;:240}\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span data-contrast=\"auto\">For the clerical regime, the larger dividend is doubt. Its information system has always needed to solve two problems: prevent Iranians from documenting what happens inside the country, and weaken confidence in the documentation that gets out. Arrests, censorship and internet shutdowns address the first. State media, influence operations, source manipulation and attacks on foreign journalism address the second. <a href=\"https:\/\/www.ncr-iran.org\/en\/news\/iran-resistance\/demonizing-mek\/saeed-kamali-dehghan-and-tehrans-information-war-against-irans-resistance\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Dehghan&#8217;s career intersects<\/a> with both sides of that system because he was once one of the trusted conduits through which information escaped Iran and has now become one of the examples Tehran can cite to challenge the credibility of that process.<\/span><span data-ccp-props=\"{&quot;134233117&quot;:false,&quot;134233118&quot;:false,&quot;335559738&quot;:240,&quot;335559739&quot;:240}\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span data-contrast=\"auto\">That is what makes the Saeed Kamali Dehghan case larger than one fabricated article and more consequential than a dispute over one journalist&#8217;s politics. It shows how a security state can benefit from the authority of foreign journalism without needing its own propaganda to be trusted. The most effective narrative is often the one that arrives through somebody the audience already regards as independent. And the most effective denial may not be a claim that an atrocity never occurred. It may be a reason for the world to hesitate the next time someone says that it did.<\/span><span data-ccp-props=\"{&quot;134233117&quot;:false,&quot;134233118&quot;:false,&quot;335559738&quot;:240,&quot;335559739&quot;:240}\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Thirteen-minute read In the clerical dictatorship, journalism has never been treated simply as journalism. It is part of the security environment. Newspapers are licensed and closed; reporters are arrested, interrogated and surveilled; communications are restricted; contact with real sources on the ground is monitored; and foreign correspondents operate through an accreditation system in which the [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":16,"featured_media":315256,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[19,845],"tags":[218,237],"class_list":["post-347901","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","category-terrorism-a-fundamentalism","category-demonizing-mek","tag-demonizing-mek","tag-iran-fake-news"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v28.4 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>Saeed Kamali Dehghan and Iran\u2019s Information-Security Playbook\u00a0 - NCRI<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"Thirteen-minute read In the clerical dictatorship, journalism has never been treated simply as journalism. 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