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Arrests, Elite Fights, and Dollar at 180,000: Iran’s Regime Crumbles on All Fronts

Tehran – Jannat Abad, January 9, 2026: A street scene reflecting the tense atmosphere amid ongoing nationwide protests, with visible signs of public unrest and resistance in the neighborhood.
Tehran – Jannat Abad, January 9, 2026: A street scene reflecting the tense atmosphere amid ongoing nationwide protests, with visible signs of public unrest and resistance in the neighborhood.

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As the terrorist regime in Iran grapples with the aftermath of the war, multiple internal pressures are mounting simultaneously. Reports from regime-aligned media and human rights sources reveal a toxic mix of sectarian repression, elite infighting, economic collapse, and strategic paralysis over the Hormuz standoff.

Crackdown on Sunni Arabs

Human rights monitors report a new wave of arrests targeting Sunni Arab citizens in Ahvaz and Kut Abdullah in Khuzestan province. The detentions began in the days after Eid al-Fitr, with IRGC intelligence forces rounding up individuals for holding congregational prayers according to Sunni tradition and organizing Eid celebrations. Those arrested were first held in solitary confinement in IRGC facilities, subjected to physical and psychological pressure, and denied family visits.

After interrogation they were transferred to Sheiban central prison in Ahvaz, where more than a month later they remain in custody. Named detainees include Abdulmajid Silavi, Mohammad Hezbavi, Faris Abu Mohammad, Mohammad Samiri, Karim Samiri, Saeed Samiri, Abu Masoud Badavi, Abu Yasser Hezbavi, Adel al-Boghbeish, Odi Handali, Saheb Zobeidi, Karim Majdam, and Nader Zobeidi.

The cases highlight the regime’s systematic crackdown on all Iranian ethnic and religious minorities, with Sunni Arabs in Arab-majority regions now the latest targets.

Elite Infighting and Unity Denials

State media have been forced into damage-control mode amid rumors of the regime’s president Masoud Pezeshkian’s resignation and a widening rift between the government and the IRGC. ISNA quoted Pezeshkian’s communications deputy, Mehdi Tabatabai, insisting the president “is not the type to resign” and that current conditions do not warrant it. Pezeshkian’s chief of staff, Haji Mirzayi, separately denied any government-IRGC split, stating that every key meeting includes IRGC commanders and all decisions are taken unanimously.

The repeated public rebuttals themselves signal deep anxiety within the ruling circle. Hardline outlets close to the Paydari Front and the IRGC have traded accusations of treachery over the nuclear negotiating team, with Raja News and Tasnim exchanging sharp criticism. Even state-linked preacher Meysam Moti’i publicly scolded “extremists,” reminding them: “This is not election season — it is war.”

Economic Pain and Broken Promises

ILNA reported that average salaries for employees at the Ministry of Jihad Agriculture — critical to food security — have reached only 24 million tomans, well below the urban poverty line of 70–75 million tomans. Union activists say many promised bonuses for food security and hardship areas have never been paid, triggering a wave of resignations. Five months after the removal of the 28,500-toman preferential exchange rate, the cost of the basic food basket covered by electronic coupons has jumped from 2.18 million to 3.78 million tomans.

The government coupon remains frozen at 1 million tomans, leaving low-income families to absorb a 1.6 million toman monthly shortfall. Official statistics show food inflation at 115 percent. The free-market dollar has more than doubled to around 180,000 tomans in roughly ten months. Meanwhile, the internet blackout has exceeded 1,656 hours — the longest in any country’s history — further isolating citizens while regime insiders retain full access.

Strategic Deadlock Over Hormuz

Conflicting signals on negotiations with the United States have exposed fractures at the highest levels. Spokesman Esmail Baqaei insisted nuclear issues are not on the table and talks focus solely on ending the conflict and lifting the naval blockade. Pezeshkian called Trump’s demands “an impossible equation.” Extremist MP Amir-Hossein Sabeti openly blamed diplomatic failure for what he termed the “martyrdom” of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and demanded executions of economic profiteers.

He boasted that closing the Strait of Hormuz had turned Iran into a “sanction-imposing power” and threatened attacks on U.S. vessels if the blockade is not lifted on Tehran’s terms. Parliament Speaker Mohammad-Bagher Ghalibaf admitted in an audio clip that the enemy is “weakening us from within” through economic pressure and warned of possible terrorist attacks. Judiciary chief Gholamhossein Mohseni-Eje’i ordered crackdowns on anyone accused of sowing division or “pouring water on the enemy’s mill.”

Taken together, the files portray a leadership struggling to project unity while confronting simultaneous crises. Public denials of rifts, frantic media rebuttals, and calls for popular austerity reveal a system that is economically exhausted, internally divided, and strategically cornered. The converging crises — all of the regime’s own making — have now pushed the clerical dictatorship to the brink of collapse. Unable to manage the explosive society, economic freefall, factional warfare, and strategic impasse it has engineered, the regime has reached its end.