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Khamenei Admits to His Control Over Iran’s Government Amid Power Struggles

Four-minute read

In a rare admission, the clerical regime’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei confirmed his direct involvement in selecting the ministers of the new cabinet, a revelation that has highlighted the concentrated power in his hands. This came just a week after Masoud Pezeshkian, the newly appointed President, publicly announced in parliament that all his cabinet ministers were chosen by Khamenei, sparking intense power struggles among the ruling factions with many suggesting Pezeshkian has undermined the legitimacy of the regime and its Supreme Leader.

Mojtaba Zolnour, a member of the parliament, had commented, “Many parliament members did not want to vote for the ministers, but once they understood the hint, they felt obligated to participate and ensure a strong vote for the government.” He admitted, “I don’t believe in Pezeshkian exploiting the leadership. He spoke the truth and did not lie. Previous governments did the same but did not say it out loud. Pezeshkian is certainly not one to misuse the Leader, as he has repeatedly declared his obedience, affection, and devotion to him.”

On August 27, during a meeting orchestrated with multiple agendas, Khamenei confirmed Pezeshkian’s statements: “The President consulted me on selecting ministers. I approved some and insisted on others. There were several I did not know and had no opinion about,” Khamenei stated, aiming to both assert his dominance and mitigate criticism by suggesting a limited involvement in the process.

 

Dissent Within Khamenei’s Faction

This admission has exacerbated tensions within Iran’s political elite, exposing deep divisions. During the vetting process for Pezeshkian’s ministers, despite efforts by Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf to rally support for the cabinet, some representatives aligned with Saeed Jalili criticized several nominees and even indirectly challenged Khamenei’s authority.

Some accused Abbas Salehi, the nominee for Minister of Culture, of aligning with protesters, and Amir Hossein Sabeti, in a disrespectful jab at Khamenei, stated, “Some supporters of Araghchi [Pezeshkian’s Minister of Foreign Affairs] say you must vote for him because someone insisted he should get the vote.” He continued, “Do you understand the implications of this? Should we then just shut down the parliament?”

Furthermore, following the Supreme Leader’s remarks about his “indifference” regarding many of Pezeshkian’s ministerial candidates, several opponents, including Sabeti, seized the opportunity to slam Pezeshkian once more.

Sabeti wrote on X, “Pezeshkian spoke in parliament as if ‘each of these individuals’ was suggested by the Leader, and it is ‘the duty of the representatives to vote for the entire cabinet.’”

The Kayhan newspaper, which was also very vocal criticizing Pezeshkian for “using” Khamenei’s name concerning his cabinet, warned against appointing “undesired” individuals in the ministry’s ranks. In an editorial titled “National Consensus is Not Employing the Disagreeable,” published on Tuesday, August 27, the paper stated, “Reports suggest that appointments in some ministries have been made rapidly and without proper selection, contrary to the President’s approach.”

Signaling to the West

At the Tuesday meeting, the regime’s Supreme Leader, who has recently swayed Mohammad Javad Zarif to withdraw his sixth resignation and return to Pezeshkian’s government, displayed him alongside his new Foreign Minister, Abbas Araghchi for a reason.

Using his typical ambiguous language intended to entice conciliatory powers, Khamenei said, “Yesterday, apparently, the honorable Foreign Minister made a point that we should not rely on the enemy. We do not wait for the approval of enemies to carry on with our plans. This does not contradict interacting with that same enemy in certain circumstances; there’s no issue with that. But don’t put hope in them, don’t trust the enemy.”

The Supreme Leader, eager to exploit Western appeasement policies, is once again attempting to use the endless nuclear negotiations to secure concessions from world powers. His goal is to ease some of the sanctions on Iran while also leveraging the nuclear talks to exert influence over the Middle East peace process.

On the other hand, after announcing Zarif’s return to the strategic deputy position in Pezeshkian’s government, the Kayhan newspaper posted on its Telegram channel, “After introducing Pezeshkian’s proposed cabinet, Zarif played a trick, pretending that he was not satisfied with the proposed cabinet and posed as if he was resigning from the strategic deputy position (although the real reason for his dissatisfaction was the legal ban due to his children’s dual nationality).”

In its daily editorial, Kayhan also attacked Araghchi over the nuclear deal (JCPOA), stating, “Araghchi spoke about the impossibility of reviving the JCPOA but was unwilling to explicitly declare its demise.”

Meanwhile, during the Tuesday meeting, Khamenei also warned Pezeshkian about employing elements not to his liking: “I am firmly convinced of referring to experts. We should not use experts who pursue outdated foreign models… Be cautious that the expert should not be like this; otherwise, the essence of expertise is very necessary.”

Tightening internet control

On August 7, Khamenei once again expressed his serious concern about the Iranian people’s access to free information. He stated, “The virtual space is no longer virtual today. It is a reality in people’s lives that is growing daily. It is important that there should be lawful governance in cyberspace.”

Misusing the arrest of Pavel Durov, the founder and CEO of Telegram, he said, “Everyone in the world does this. You see, even the French, those powers, are so strict. They arrest the poor guy and imprison him. They threatened to give him a 20-year sentence. This is based on violating their governance. Violation of governance is unacceptable. You have a country under your control for which you are responsible.”

Previously, the clerical regime had devised the so-called “Protection Plan” to restrict internet access. Implementing this plan over the past few years has led to numerous controversies and widespread protests from internet users. During the presidential election debates, Masoud Pezeshkian criticized internet censorship, especially due to its impact on Iran’s economy, as many small businesses rely on social media.

Conclusion

Despite Khamenei’s ongoing efforts to control rival factions, assert dominance over the regime, and present an image of democratic governance and separation of powers, the internal conflicts and unresolved issues within the regime are becoming increasingly apparent.

The Iranian people, having endured this regime for nearly half a century, are acutely aware of its true nature. The Supreme Leader’s recent actions and admissions have not only intensified public discontent but also deepened the factional feuds within his regime. As each day passes, the regime becomes more fractured, and those seeking to overthrow it grow increasingly resolute.