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What’s Behind Iran’s Regime Staged Façade to Show Popular Support for Hijab Crackdown

Four-minute read

Last week, Ahmadreza Radan, the commander of the State Security Forces tasked with the new crackdown initiative named “Tarheh Noor,” (Persian for the Plan of Light) was dispatched on provincial trips last week. During these trips, the state orchestrated various spectacles, and state television along with all the print and online media outlets that follow the strict guidelines dictated by the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance, plastered bold headlines about him and public support for the enforcement of mandatory hijab. 

In Isfahan, a curated crowd assembled to applaud Radan, with some veiled women holding placards that read, “Police, good job.”

In Mashhad, Radan was depicted among women wearing black chadors. When a young girl presented him with flowers, he leaned down to kiss her. These images were intended to amend the public perception of a former member of the Revolutionary Guards and the commander-in-chief of the very force that has been involved in the killing, torturing, or blinding of thousands of protesters during the recent uprising, or blindfolding society with a shallow charm.

As a group of young girls wearing blue chadors gathered to take souvenir photos alongside Ahmadreza Radan, the presenter shouted, “Let’s take this photo so that those who wanted to see conflict and war among us can witness our unity.”

However, what is most revealing about these typical spectacles is Radan’s rhetoric. Decrypting Radan’s words, along with the events that have unfolded in the weeks following the implementation of the “Noor Project,” indicates the inevitable failure of this scheme.

In a performance staged by the regime in the religious city of Qom on April 26, Radan tacitly acknowledged the social resentment toward the oppressive forces and the “Noor Project.” He stated in reverse language, “The enemy made great efforts to portray this struggle as if the police were alone, but the people have drawn this line of defeat against the enemy’s dirty thoughts. The people are alongside the police, with the police, for the police, and in harmony with the police.”

Radan claimed, “I officially announce that we consider the issue of hijab and chastity purely cultural and social. We do not see it as a matter of law enforcement or security.”

On May 1, during his speech in Mashhad, Radan once again asserted that behind the widespread social resistance against the crackdown lies a conspiracy by “foreign and domestic enemies.” He bizarrely compared the efforts of security forces to impose mandatory hijab with the defeat of Muslims by Spanish forces in past centuries, stating, “The enemy seeks to repeat the conspiracy of Andalusia, transforming patriotic youth into hedonistic and licentious individuals. Who among the youth will defend the sanctum then? Which youth will bravely stand for Islam in the events of 2019 or the disturbances of 2022? This infiltration aims to penetrate various cultural layers of society.”

He then more explicitly indicated the dire consequences of the crackdown plan’s failure for the regime, adding, “The (cultural) changes that will pave the way for adulteration, and once that is accomplished, regime change is within reach. Nevertheless, the ignorant enemy of the nation once again miscalculated and failed to take into account that these people are under the guardianship of the Supreme Leader.”

He continued, “In this cognitive war and in this social dome which was left neglected, everything was turning into a flood, so we came to prevent it.”

The SSF Chief’s reference to the “cognitive war” acknowledges the ideological confrontation between the people of Iran and the clerical dictatorship. Radan’s mention of the flood refers to the torrent of people’s anger that thrilled the world during the uprisings of 2009, 2017, 2019, and 2022, as well as hundreds of local rebellions and daily protests. He explicitly admits that the regime’s goal with the mandatory hijab plan is to prevent uprisings and overthrow the regime.

On May 3, in Isfahan, Ahmadreza Radan acknowledged the social outrage against his forces and said, “In 2023, we had over 93 martyrs in various missions, and in the last two months, we had nearly 16 martyrs in the line of duty guarding the people.”

More fascinating was Radan’s continuous emphasis that the “Noor Project” enjoys the support of the President, the Ministry of Defense, and the Judiciary.

For those with a decent understanding of Iranian society, it’s obvious that the regime’s propaganda doesn’t fool the people or the international community. So, who is the intended audience for these actions? The truth is, that the “Noor Project” and the risk of triggering incidents that led to the 2022 uprising have caused dissent among many within the state itself.

In recent weeks, social media has shown images of women’s resistance against oppressive forces and even social mobilization to free the apprehended. Many officials have spoken out against and issued warnings, and there are reports of dissent among security forces.

Statements from judiciary lawyers opposing this plan, former officials, members of parliament, and the remarks of officials and experts on state television have brought the issue to a point where even the Secretary of the Command Headquarters for Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice declared that his headquarters does not defend the agents who act as aggressors. 

A member of the Supreme Leader’s office, to show that Ali Khamenei is not responsible for any potential consequences of social upheaval, tweeted on April 19 that “some officials received warnings due to inappropriate actions in dealing with unveiled women.”

This issue was also reflected in Radan’s statements. Slamming officials who oppose the new suppression plan, Radan said, “The problem lies in the dysfunction of those who continue to chant anti-Islamic slogans and ignore the threat of regime change and transformation. How can we stand idly by when faced with the flood? We are the ones stopping the flood!”