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Iran’s Clerical Regime Confronts Rising Fear of the PMOI and an Explosive Society

A female member of the MEK Resistance Units inside Iran raising the flag of the organization's emblem
A female member of the MEK Resistance Units inside Iran raising the flag of the organization’s emblem

Four-minute read

Iran’s clerical regime is entering one of its most precarious phases in decades as growing economic collapse, deepening social discontent, and renewed international pressure converge to create what officials themselves describe as an “existential struggle.” In the past week, senior figures have repeatedly singled out the People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI or MEK) as the principal driver of unrest, portraying the organization as a permanent, unrepentant threat.

The escalation in rhetoric comes as authorities brace for potential new uprisings amid worsening living conditions, surging inflation, and severe shortages of water, electricity, and food. From senior judiciary officials to parliamentary hardliners, the messaging is consistent: Tehran fears that its grip on the streets is slipping and that the PMOI remains capable of exploiting widespread anger to mobilize opposition.

On September 3, 2025, Mohammad Javad Hasheminejad, managing director of the regime-linked Habilian Foundation, delivered one of the starkest warnings yet about the PMOI’s enduring influence. Speaking to state-affiliated outlets, he claimed that PMOI members are “essentially beyond repentance” and accused them of playing roles in the 2019 and 2022 protests, both of which saw security forces violently suppress mass demonstrations.

Hasheminejad also asserted that several PMOI members had recently been arrested, framing it as evidence of the group’s ongoing presence inside Iran. He further alleged that the organization was responsible for thousands of deaths during the 1980s and announced that the official number of “terror victims” had been “revised” from 17,000 to 23,000 after what he called “a new review of the files.” While these claims are widely seen as politically motivated, they serve to justify harsher crackdowns and frame the PMOI as a central threat. Hasheminejad went on to criticize Europe and the United States for allowing the Iranian Resistance to operate freely, citing Maryam Rajavi’s recent visit to the Italian Parliament as an example of what he described as Western “support.”

The regime’s anxiety over unrest extends beyond propaganda; it has penetrated its highest institutions. On September 2, 2025, Judiciary Chief Gholamhossein Mohseni Ejei delivered a strikingly defensive message, warning that the PMOI and “other agents of chaos” were seeking to “sow division within the regime’s ranks.” He called for unity among political elites, urging senior officials to “sit together for dialogue” and avoid letting “distrust spread inside the system.” Ejei warned, “The enemy wants to exploit differences among us. The hypocrites (the regime’s pejorative to defame the PMOI) and other agents of Satan are working to create cracks in our unity.”

Ejei’s unusually candid tone suggests growing concern that security cohesion is weakening at a time when Khamenei’s survival strategy depends heavily on the loyalty of the IRGC, the Basij paramilitary force, and the judiciary itself. Tehran knows that if divisions deepen between parliament, the presidency, the IRGC, and other security institutions, its ability to suppress unrest could falter — precisely what officials believe the PMOI is seeking to exploit.

The regime’s fixation on the PMOI is not new, but recent statements reveal how deeply its security doctrine remains shaped by historical trauma. On September 1, 2025, MP Mojtaba Zolnouri invoked the events of June 20, 1981, when the PMOI openly confronted the ruling party during a mass demonstration in Tehran. Zolnouri recalled that PMOI supporters “marched in the streets, chanting slogans against state-supported thugs and directly challenging senior figures including Ali Khamenei, Mohammad Beheshti, and Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani. He admitted that “we had not one single day of calm” during that period.

By invoking these memories now, regime officials are signaling that they view today’s protests — from the 2019 uprisings to the 2022 demonstrations — as part of the same existential battle. The subtext is clear: Tehran believes that Iran’s “explosive society” is primed for another flashpoint, and it fears that its repressive apparatus may no longer be sufficient to contain it.

This mounting fear is reflected in the regime’s growing investment in repression over reform. On September 5, 2025, reports from the northern city of Babolsar revealed extensive anti-riot exercises conducted by security forces, including both male and female Basij units. Using motorcycles and live-fire drills, these units practiced street-clearing operations aimed at suppressing mass unrest.

These exercises were not designed to address Iran’s worsening shortages of water, electricity, and basic goods. Instead, they demonstrate that Tehran is prioritizing crowd-control readiness above solving the root causes of unrest. However, the regime’s heavy reliance on security forces reveals a potential vulnerability: Khamenei’s survival depends on the morale and loyalty of the Basij and IRGC, but prolonged economic collapse, unpaid wages, and repeated deployments against civilians risk eroding their willingness to act decisively. By framing the PMOI as a permanent external threat, Tehran hopes to motivate its forces, justify harsh crackdowns, and deter public dissent before another uprising erupts.

The clerical regime’s obsession with the PMOI reflects more than propaganda; it is an acknowledgment of its fragile grip on power in the face of social, political, and economic crises. Tehran faces an “explosive society” where grievances over poverty, corruption, and repression have accumulated to dangerous levels, leaving the leadership fearful that the next spark could ignite nationwide unrest.

NCRI
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