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A fierce power struggle is unfolding within the Iranian regime, with escalating tensions surrounding the formation of a new cabinet by the regime’s new president Masoud Pezeshkian. This internal discord, characterized by vehement disputes and accusations, highlights the deep fractures within the clerical dictatorship, undermining its already fragile foundation.
The faction close to Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, which calls itself “Principlists,” has launched a scathing attack on Pezeshkian and his appointments. Hossein Shariatmadari, editor-in-chief of the hardline Kayhan newspaper, has been at the forefront of this criticism. Kayhan, whose editorial guidelines are directed by the Supreme Leader’s office, published a series of articles lambasting Pezeshkian’s choices, accusing them of being unqualified and even traitorous.
In an article titled “Beware of Them Who Muddy the Waters!” Shariatmadari suggests that Pezeshkian’s inner circle includes individuals who have allegedly collaborated with foreign intelligence services and have histories of corruption and anti-regime activities. He writes, “The views and perspectives of many of Pezeshkian’s associates are not just different but fundamentally contradictory to his own in several basic principles. This discrepancy in practice could render Pezeshkian ineffective.”
Power Struggles Intensify as New #Iranian Regime President Appoints Divisive Figures to Key Positionshttps://t.co/tjr2wj7ZKc
— NCRI-FAC (@iran_policy) August 5, 2024
Shariatmadari’s relentless criticism underscores the Principlists’ resistance to any deviation from their rigid, authoritarian vision. He lambastes Pezeshkian’s reliance on figures like Mohammad Javad Zarif, former Foreign Minister, known for his attempts to negotiate with the West. In another article titled “Mr. Pezeshkian! These Appointments Will Not Warm the Economy,” Kayhan argues, “Appointing Zarif as Pezeshkian’s Strategic Deputy continues the pattern of Zarif, who previously claimed he would not hold any position in the government, only to later justify his involvement by citing ‘worry, resentment, and insistence of fellow citizens.'”
Shariatmadari goes further, accusing some of Pezeshkian’s nominees of having ties to Western intelligence services during the 2009 Green Movement protests. He writes, “These individuals have met secretly with enemies of Iran in America and have been trained to incite unrest in our country. Their record includes opposition to our missile industries, which, had they succeeded, would have left our nation vulnerable to American and Israeli aggression.”
Adding to the complexity, former Speaker of Parliament and current Khamenei aid, Gholam-Ali Haddad-Adel, warns Pezeshkian against opting for “undesirable figures” in his cabinet. He cautions, “If Pezeshkian himself decides on the cabinet, there will be no problem in Parliament; but if he is given a list to take to Parliament, this will cause trouble.”
Economic issues further complicate the situation. The regime’s propaganda machine tries to portray the outgoing administration of Ebrahim Raisi as having left the country in a robust economic state, likening it to a “saddled horse” ready for Pezeshkian to ride. However, reports from other state-affiliated media suggest a starkly different reality. The Bahar News website, close to former President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, describes the state of the economy as severely depleted, with the treasury nearly empty. Contradictory statements from officials highlight this discrepancy, with reported treasury amounts fluctuating dramatically within days, painting a picture of chaos and mismanagement.
Internal Tensions and Economic Crisis in #Iran amid Feud over High-Profile Appointmentshttps://t.co/RxHEgwYfFV
— NCRI-FAC (@iran_policy) August 2, 2024
The financial strain is exacerbated by controversial budget allocations. In a move that has sparked outrage, the new government has allocated substantial funds for the Arbaeen pilgrimage, diverting resources from crucial economic needs. Rival factions within the regime argue that such expenditures are irresponsible, especially given the country’s dire financial situation.
Abbas Abdi, a former interrogator turned media activist, predicts that these internal conflicts will only intensify as Pezeshkian’s administration takes shape. He notes that the legislative body, driven by personal and regional interests, will likely become a significant obstacle, further destabilizing the government. Abdi comments, “We have 300 representatives, each pursuing personal and regional interests, often disregarding national welfare. This situation is a major obstacle to Iran’s development.”
Economic experts like Farshad Momeni add to the grim outlook, highlighting the regime’s unsustainable financial practices. He exposes the fallacy of the regime’s claims about economic stability, revealing a grim reality of hidden debts and continuous money printing, which only deepens the country’s economic woes. Momeni states, “In Raisi’s era, one of the dirtiest lies officials told was that they no longer tampered with the Central Bank, while in reality, they were taking indirect loans from banks.”
In this volatile environment, the regime’s internal conflicts, fueled by a desperate quest for power and survival, threaten to erode its grip on the country even further. These ongoing power struggles are likely to inflame an already restless society, pushing the people closer to revolt. The Iranian populace, long oppressed by this repressive system, remains ever-vigilant for new opportunities to challenge the increasingly dysfunctional and oppressive governance that continues to fail them.