Abbas Araghchi, born on December 5, 1962, began his career deeply rooted in the clerical dictatorship’s ideological foundations. As a member of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) during the Iran-Iraq War, Araghchi’s early experiences were shaped by the militaristic and repressive nature of the regime. His involvement with the IRGC, an organization known for its role in domestic repression and international terrorism, set the stage for his future roles within the regime, embedding him in the power structures that would later define his career.
Political and Diplomatic Ascension
Araghchi entered the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1988, beginning his ascent within the Iranian diplomatic establishment. His diplomatic career took him to Finland (1999-2002) and Japan (2007-2011), where he served as the regime’s ambassador. His tenure in these roles, though largely unremarkable on the surface, positioned him as a loyal servant of the regime, willing to carry out its foreign policy directives without question.
His real ascent began during the presidency of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad when he became involved in Iran’s nuclear negotiations. Initially, Araghchi served in a supporting role under Ali Larijani, who was then leading the nuclear talks. However, Larijani’s tenure was short-lived, as his approach to negotiations clashed with Ahmadinejad’s hardline stance. Araghchi seized this opportunity to position himself closer to power by aligning with Saeed Jalili, who replaced Larijani as the chief negotiator.
Araghchi’s relationship with Jalili was complex. While he served as a key member of Jalili’s negotiating team, Araghchi was simultaneously maneuvering to undermine Jalili’s influence within the MFA. Jalili’s rigid and ideologically driven approach to the nuclear talks led to a series of failures, culminating in multiple UN Security Council resolutions and increased international isolation of the Iranian regime. Araghchi, recognizing the unsustainability of Jalili’s tactics, began feeding information to senior regime figures, including Ali Akbar Velayati, a close advisor to Supreme Leader Khamenei. This information detailed the inefficacy of Jalili’s negotiations, positioning Araghchi as a more competent alternative.
When Hassan Rouhani was appointed president in 2013, one of his first major foreign policy moves was to shift the responsibility for nuclear negotiations from the Supreme National Security Council to the MFA under Mohammad-Javad Zarif. This transition was a turning point for Araghchi, who had effectively positioned himself as a crucial player in the nuclear talks. Zarif retained Araghchi in the negotiating team, recognizing his deep involvement and experience, despite criticism from various factions within the regime who saw Araghchi as tainted by his association with Jalili’s failed approach.
Araghchi’s rise continued under President Hassan Rouhani, who appointed him as Deputy Foreign Minister for Legal and International Affairs in 2013. This role brought him to the forefront of the negotiations that culminated in the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) in 2015. Despite the temporary success of the JCPOA, Araghchi’s involvement in these negotiations was heavily criticized. His role in securing the lifting of sanctions on Iranian carpet exports was seen as a favor to his family’s business interests.
Political Setbacks and Strategic Maneuvering
Araghchi’s career faced significant turbulence after the U.S. withdrawal from the JCPOA in 2018 under President Donald Trump. As the regime struggled to navigate the fallout from the withdrawal, Araghchi was tasked with leading the efforts to salvage the deal through negotiations with the remaining signatories. These efforts, however, were fraught with challenges, not least of which was Supreme Leader Khamenei’s skepticism and eventual rejection of the renewed agreement. Khamenei’s dismissal of the deal as unworkable, despite concessions from the Biden administration, marked a significant setback for Araghchi.
During the critical final stages of the Vienna negotiations in 2021, Araghchi found himself increasingly isolated. As Ebrahim Raisi was declared the winner of the presidential election, the political tide turned sharply against the likes of Zarif and Araghchi. Despite reports from the MFA that the JCPOA was close to being revived, Khamenei’s ultimate rejection of the deal led to Araghchi’s removal from his position as Deputy Foreign Minister for Political Affairs. This demotion was seen as a direct consequence of his association with the failed negotiations and his inability to secure the regime’s core demands.
In a move that many interpreted as an attempt to keep him within the regime’s fold without granting him significant influence, Kamal Kharrazi, head of the Strategic Council on Foreign Relations and a key figure in Khamenei’s inner circle, appointed Araghchi as the Secretary of the Council in September 2021. This position, while prestigious on paper, was largely symbolic, reflecting the regime’s intent to sideline Araghchi while maintaining his loyalty.
Family Ties and Corruption Allegations
Araghchi’s family has been deeply entwined with his professional life. His brothers, who are involved in the Iranian carpet trade, benefitted directly from the lifting of sanctions on carpet exports—a provision Araghchi himself ensured was included in the JCPOA negotiations. Araghchi even boasted that this was a personal “gift” to his brothers, reflecting the intertwining of his official duties with his family’s financial interests.
The involvement of his nephew, Ahmad Araghchi, in the regime’s Central Bank further underscores the corrupt nature of Araghchi’s familial connections. Appointed as the Deputy Governor in 2017, Ahmad was later arrested and charged with disrupting the currency market, only to have his sentence overturned in a suspicious judicial reversal, reportedly influenced by Supreme Leader Khamenei’s office.
Araghchi’s wife, Bahareh Abdollahi, is the daughter of a prominent businessman associated with the hardline Islamic Coalition Party (Motalefeh). This marriage further cemented Araghchi’s ties to the market-oriented factions, ensuring his family’s prosperity under the regime’s protection.
Statements and Stances
Throughout his career, Araghchi has been vocal in his support for the regime’s extremist policies, particularly in relation to the nuclear program. Following Israel’s attack on the regime’s consulate in Damascus on April 1, Araghchi repeatedly suggested that “Iran might reconsider its nuclear doctrine,” implicitly threatening the development of nuclear weapons.
Araghchi’s rhetoric during the nuclear negotiations was consistently aligned with the regime’s strategy of brinkmanship. He frequently hinted that “Iran might reconsider its commitment to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) if sanctions were re-imposed. This stance was not only a negotiating tactic but also a reflection of the regime’s willingness to escalate tensions if it believed its survival was at stake.
In public appearances, Araghchi has expressed pride in his IRGC background, claiming to still keep his uniform. His rhetoric has been consistently aligned with the regime’s narrative, portraying the regime as a victim of Western aggression while justifying Tehran’s oppressive policies as necessary for national security.
Araghchi has also taken a hardline stance against international criticism of Tehran’s human rights record, its involvement in regional conflicts, and its nuclear ambitions. He has dismissed these criticisms as part of a broader conspiracy to delegitimize the Islamic Republic, often framing them as efforts by enemies of Iran, to weaken the regime.
Throughout his career, Araghchi has been a vocal advocate of the regime’s hardline policies, particularly in relation to Iran’s nuclear program. His public statements have often reflected the regime’s rhetoric of defiance, portraying Iran as a victim of Western aggression while justifying its nuclear ambitions as a necessary deterrent.
In interviews and public appearances, Araghchi has also expressed deep loyalty to the IRGC, particularly its former Quds Force commander, Qassem Soleimani. His statements often glorify the IRGC’s role in defending the regime and project an image of unwavering commitment to Khamenei’s vision. Araghchi’s consistent emphasis on following the Supreme Leader’s directives, even in the face of international opposition, underscores his role as a staunch defender of the regime’s theocratic and militaristic policies.
In his latest attempt to secure the position of Foreign Minister, Abbas Araghchi once again revealed his submissive nature, betraying his former superiors in the MFA and the Rouhani government. Explaining the session held on Monday morning, August 12, by the National Security and Foreign Policy Commission of the regime’s parliament, which was attended by Abbas Araghchi, Ebrahim Rezaee told state reporters, “The proposed Minister of Foreign Affairs emphasized that the resolutions of the Parliament are binding for the diplomatic apparatus and that the Ministry of Foreign Affairs must follow the policies and directives of the country’s senior officials and implement the mandated policies.”
He added, “Mr. Araghchi stated that the late Raisi administration was actively pursuing this approach, and we will continue on this path. We will also utilize the capacities of international and regional organizations, expand our diplomatic field, and leverage opportunities in Africa, Latin America, and East Asia. Prioritizing China and Russia was also mentioned as a key focus.”
Referring to the nuclear negotiation team led by Mohammad-Javad Zarif, he clarified: “Mr. Araghchi has stated that he is not part of the ‘New York gangs,’ although he does not pass judgment on them.”
The spokesperson for the Parliament’s National Security Commission, citing the controversial law passed by Parliament to escalate nuclear brinkmanship and cut cooperation with the P5+1 powers, said: “Regarding the Strategic Action Plan to Lift Sanctions and its implementation, the proposed Minister emphasized that the law is binding and must be adhered to.”
Conclusion
Abbas Araghchi’s career is a testament to the corrosive power of loyalty to a tyrannical regime. His rise within the clerical dictatorship, fueled by his connections to the IRGC and his family’s entrenched interests, has been marked by a willingness to serve the regime’s most repressive and controversial policies. As he steps into the role of Foreign Minister in Masoud Pezeshkian’s administration, his track record suggests that the regime’s foreign policy will remain rigid, aggressive, and increasingly isolated from the international community.
