Four-minute read
The coup of August 19, 1953 (28 Mordad 1332) remains one of the most defining and tragic events in Iran’s modern history. More than a simple political upheaval, it marked the violent suppression of a democratic government and the reimposition of dictatorship, with consequences that have continued to shape Iran’s political and social life for seven decades.
For historians, the coup was a watershed moment: the consolidation of foreign domination, the entrenchment of authoritarian rule, and the silencing of democratic aspirations. The overthrow of Prime Minister Mohammad Mosaddegh—who had led the national movement to reclaim Iran’s oil industry from British control—was executed through a sinister alliance of external imperial powers and internal reactionary forces.
The Dual Nature of the Coup
The 1953 coup was the product of both foreign and domestic betrayal. On one side were the colonial powers—the United States and Britain—who saw their oil and geopolitical interests threatened by Mosaddegh’s policies of independence. On the other side stood Iran’s reactionary forces: the monarchy under Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, elements of the military, and clerical figures such as Abolghassem Kashani and Mohammad Behbahani, who aligned themselves with foreign designs to secure their own power.
This dual structure—external domination and internal betrayal—defined the coup and set the stage for decades of repression. It was not merely the removal of a popular leader, but the start of a systematic campaign to destroy Iran’s democratic movement.
Revisiting the Legacy of Mohammad Mossadegh: A Blueprint for Democratic Governance in #Iran https://t.co/RyeT8s4ISt
— NCRI-FAC (@iran_policy) July 30, 2025
Tools of Dictatorship and Repression
The coup’s aftermath revealed its true purpose. Mosaddegh’s government was dismantled, and the Shah, restored to power, pursued a path of absolute authoritarianism. Institutions of repression, most notably the notorious SAVAK intelligence service, were established to crush dissent.
The regime’s survival depended on two pillars: brutal suppression at home and total alignment with foreign interests abroad. Britain and the United States secured access to Iran’s oil and strategic position, while the Shah ruled with an iron fist. For the clerical establishment, the coup offered another lesson: patience and opportunism could allow them to harvest the fruits of others’ struggles, a pattern that repeated itself during the 1979 revolution.
Newly Unearthed Evidence of Foreign Role
While Iranians have long understood the colonial roots of the coup, recently revealed evidence has further confirmed the depth of foreign involvement.
Today, in 1953, Dr. Mohammad Mossadegh ordered the Shah to return all public properties confiscated by the Pahlavi family to #Iran's government. pic.twitter.com/cO3LGv4JW4
— NCRI-FAC (@iran_policy) May 11, 2023
On August 17, 2020, the National Security Archive published the transcript of a long-hidden interview with Norman Darbyshire, an MI6 operative who played a central role in orchestrating Mosaddegh’s overthrow. Darbyshire admitted that British intelligence was directly involved in the abduction of Tehran police chief Mahmoud Afshartous in April 1953—a key event in destabilizing Mosaddegh’s government.
Darbyshire confessed: “Yes,” when asked if MI6 was involved in the assassination of Afshartous. He added that the intention was kidnapping to demoralize Mosaddegh’s supporters, but the police chief was killed after insulting the Shah in front of a young officer. Scholars such as Stephen Dorril have argued that the killing was intentional, designed to strike fear and weaken Mosaddegh’s movement.
The interview also revealed Britain’s efforts to manipulate the Shah’s own family. Darbyshire recalled offering large sums of money to Princess Ashraf, the Shah’s sister, to persuade her brother to endorse the coup. Such revelations highlight the cynical calculations and bribery at the heart of the operation.
The coup was not simply an American-led CIA operation—it was equally a British project, rooted in the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company’s determination to reclaim control over Iranian resources.
Ex-SAVAK Chief Parviz Sabeti Sued in U.S. for Brutal #Torture Under Shah’s Regimehttps://t.co/wLrPeVGIdd
— NCRI-FAC (@iran_policy) February 27, 2025
Long-Delayed Admissions of Guilt
Over the decades, U.S. and British officials have slowly begun to acknowledge their role in the coup.
- In 2000, U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright admitted America’s “significant role.”
- In 2009, President Barack Obama openly acknowledged that the CIA’s actions overthrew a democratic government.
- In 2023, the CIA itself released an audio file admitting that the coup was “undemocratic.”
- Even former British officials, such as ex-Foreign Secretary David Owen, have conceded that London must finally acknowledge its central role in the coup.
These belated confessions underscore the coup’s enduring stain. They confirm what the Iranian people have always known: the 1953 coup was not a domestic crisis alone, but an international crime against democracy.
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— NCRI-FAC (@iran_policy) April 26, 2023
Legacy: From the Shah to the Theocracy
The 1953 coup ensured that Iran would be ruled by dictatorship for decades. The Shah remained in power for another 25 years, upheld by Western support and his machinery of repression. Yet despite his army and the feared SAVAK, he was ultimately toppled by a popular revolution in 1979.
Tragically, the clerical regime that replaced him built upon the same foundation of authoritarianism and suppression of freedoms. Today’s theocracy has perfected the legacy of 1953: silencing dissent, exploiting religion for power, and relying on violence to maintain control.
In this sense, the coup is not a closed chapter in history—it is a living reality, a wound that still bleeds. Its lessons remain urgent for Iranians seeking freedom.
The greatest shortcoming of Iran’s freedom movements has been the absence of a democratic alternative—a cohesive, organized leadership and a liberation army.
Had these existed, the coup against Dr. Mossadegh would not have succeeded, nor the anti-monarchical revolution would have… pic.twitter.com/qFtJLkaX3O— Maryam Rajavi (@Maryam_Rajavi) August 19, 2025
A Lesson for the Democratic Resistance
The experience of 1953 also reshaped the Iranian democratic movement. Resistance leaders realized that without a dedicated revolutionary organization and vanguard, even victories at the ballot box could be reversed by force. Mosaddegh himself recognized in his later writings that true independence requires sacrifice, organization, and unity.
The National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI) and the organized Resistance today embody this lesson. With the People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI/MEK), Resistance Units inside the country, and the National Liberation Army, they provide the alternative that Mosaddegh lacked—a structured, determined force capable of not only resisting tyranny but replacing it with a democratic republic.
A Wound and a Beacon
The coup of 1953 was more than the removal of a prime minister—it was the violent denial of the Iranian people’s right to self-determination. It entrenched dictatorship, facilitated foreign exploitation, and left scars that remain visible today.
But it also planted the seeds of enduring resistance. From the freedom fighters of the 1960s and 1970s, to political prisoners of the 1980s, to today’s nationwide uprisings, the Iranian people’s struggle has carried forward Mosaddegh’s democratic vision.
The demand for justice, freedom, and sovereignty is inseparable from the memory of 28 Mordad. And that demand will only be fulfilled when the clerical dictatorship collapses and a democratic republic rises in its place.