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In a move that has deepened the rift within Iran’s ruling factions, newly appointed president Masoud Pezeshkian has named Mohammad Javad Zarif as his Strategic Deputy. This controversial appointment on August 1 has already sparked significant backlash, raising questions about Pezeshkian’s promises of unwavering loyalty to Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and Zarif’s own repeated claims during the election campaign that he was not seeking a government position.
In his directive, Pezeshkian tasked Zarif with transforming the Center for Strategic Studies of the Presidential Office into an effective structure for the new Strategic Deputy role, emphasizing the need to monitor and report directly on the Supreme Leader’s policies. Pezeshkian’s directive to Zarif stated, “With the responsibility of overseeing the tasks and duties of the Center for Strategic Studies of the Presidency, you are to transform these into appropriate structures for the Strategic Deputy role and directly report on the approved vision document and general policies of the Supreme Leader.”
This decision has escalated the power struggle among the regime’s factions, with an outlet run by the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) going on the offensive, labeling Zarif as a potential “spy” and expressing distrust over his return to a governmental role. “We did not have a Strategic Deputy before. Zarif promised he wouldn’t take a post. From now on, we have to be careful about everything because the spy is back,” the IRGC-run news agency quoted users as saying.
Internal Tensions and Economic Crisis in #Iran amid Feud over High-Profile Appointmentshttps://t.co/RxHEgwYfFV
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Zarif responded to the uproar by stating, “I did not intend to accept any responsibilities in this administration. However, the concerns, grievances, and insistence of my fellow citizens, especially on social media, over the past few days compelled me to reconsider; but only in an advisory capacity, as I had previously mentioned.”
“There will be no new bureaucracy, no overlap with existing agencies, no weakening of any institutions,” he assured.
Ali Akbar Velayati, advisor to Supreme Leader Khamenei, implicitly criticized the decision, suggesting that Pezeshkian’s appointment of Zarif effectively dissolves the Center for Strategic Studies. The newspaper Farhikhtegan, affiliated with Velayati, wrote: “Pezeshkian, in Zarif’s decree, implicitly dissolved the Center for Strategic Studies of the Presidency and handed over its structure to the Strategic Deputy.”
In a similar vein, Hossein Shariatmadari, the Kayhan Daily editor-in-chief, questioned Pezeshkian’s judgment in appointing individuals with records at odds with his stated views, hinting at a lack of awareness or misguidance. “In some cases, individuals have been chosen or are on the verge of being chosen who have records and views that are diametrically opposed to the president’s declared positions. Given our belief in the president’s sincerity, we can only attribute these choices to Pezeshkian’s lack of information about their backgrounds,” Shariatmadari commented on August 3. He added, “This problem can be solved by a brief review of the candidates’ records or consultation with relevant agencies, but it seems the president has overly trusted certain advisors, potentially endangering his administration.”
Adding to the heated dispute, President Pezeshkian has appointed Ali Tayebnia as his senior advisor. Tayebnia, who served as Minister of Economy during Hassan Rouhani’s first term and held economic positions under Rafsanjani and Khatami, has been depicted by state media as participating in the Iran-Iraq war. Pezeshkian also nominated Hamid Pourmohammadi, previously imprisoned for his association with Babak Zanjani, as head of the Planning and Budget Organization. Pourmohammadi, briefly acting governor of the Central Bank under former president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, was arrested in November 2011 and released on bail the following month.
Internal Tensions and Security Concerns in #Iran Amid High-Profile Assassinationshttps://t.co/oowQKJ6N0W
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In another contentious appointment, Shahram Dabiri was named Deputy for Parliamentary Affairs. Dabiri, who previously chaired the governmental council in Tabriz, was arrested in 2020 on financial charges. A member of the regime’s Council of Experts Mohammad Javad Hojjati Kermani harshly criticized these appointments, referring to the appointees as “revolutionary parasites.”
“If Pezeshkian faces a challenge, these are the people I call the venomous snakes and insects of the revolution,” he declared.
Meanwhile, the IRGC-affiliated Javan Online also targeted Abbas Abdi, a former interrogator and an ardent supporter of Pezeshkian, accusing him of considering the new president the regime’s last hope. The newspaper affiliated with the IRGC wrote, “Abdi has shown that he and the senile old men of the era, from the time of Mohammad Khatami to now, consider their preferred president or even a rival president as the last hope for the state. He has echoed the sentiment that Pezeshkian is the regime’s last chance.”
Abdi recently disclosed a government directive to withdraw 100 billion tomans from retirement funds for regime propaganda during the Arbaeen ceremonies, a move that has further fueled public outrage. “The government has ordered 100 billion tomans from pension funds for regime propaganda during Arbaeen,” Abdi revealed, providing a document that instructed the Ministry of Labor to facilitate the transfer of these funds.