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Iran’s Domestic Capacity Crisis: Food, Water, and Urban Safety Under Structural Breakdown

The dry bed of the Zayandeh Rud beneath the historic Si-o-se-pol bridge in Isfahan, once a flowing river and gathering place for the city’s cultural life
The dry bed of the Zayandeh Rud beneath the historic Si-o-se-pol bridge in Isfahan, once a flowing river and gathering place for the city’s cultural life

Three-minute read

Across Iran, daily life is being pushed toward a threshold where many have nothing left to lose. The shrinking of the dinner table, the rationing of drinking water, and the spread of unsafe buildings are no longer abstract indicators of mismanagement; they are direct constraints on survival. These overlapping pressures are not the product of temporary shocks, sanctions, or misfortune. They reflect a political order that has systematically prioritized regime security, foreign projection, and elite patronage over the most basic conditions of civilian life.

As these systems break down together, the clerical dictatorship is confronting not just public anger—but the loss of the material basis of social control.

Food Affordability: A Basic Meal Becomes a Luxury

On November 2, 2025, Valliollah Bayati, a member of parliament, warned that inflation and currency decline have “severely reduced household consumption.” His example was rice—a staple of the Iranian diet. With Iranian rice averaging 400,000 tomans per kilo, state-controlled media calculated that one spoonful costs around 2,400 tomans.

This is not about preferences shifting; it is forced exclusion. Families are removing food categories—first dairy, then protein, now staples.

Even Jahan-e Sanat, a pro-government economic newspaper, warned that the government’s method of classifying income groups is designed to avoid paying subsidies, noting that the state is “using false and non-realistic benchmarks” to reclassify families as “wealthy.” The editorial warned this approach is likely to trigger social unrest.

Meanwhile, research cited by the Majlis Research Center estimates 30 percent of the population—26 million people—live in absolute poverty, and four million are now in extreme food insecurity.

These numbers themselves are likely underestimates; official data in Iran is frequently altered, withheld, or redefined to avoid political consequences. But even the regime’s own filtered statistics show a rapid descent.

Water Insecurity: Tehran on a Two-Week Respirator

On November 1, 2025, the managing director of Tehran’s Regional Water Company announced that the Amir-Kabir Dam—one of the capital’s main drinking water sources—holds only 14 million cubic meters, about two weeks of supply. Last year at this time, it held 86 million cubic meters.

The government announced plans to reduce urban water allocations by 10 percent.

In the same period, Vice President Mohammad-Reza Aref stated that water consumption in parts of Iran remains around 250 liters per person per day, while European urban consumption is planned around 100 liters. Aref said: “We must speak honestly with the public about water realities.”

But Aref’s call for “honest conversation” is not transparency; it is a political tactic. The water crisis is not a result of public overuse or sudden climatic strain—it is the product of decades of state-led groundwater depletion, unregulated construction approvals, and agricultural allocation designed to reward patronage networks and security-connected landholders. By presenting the crisis as a matter of public consumption habits, Aref aims to shift responsibility downward and dampen public anger through the appearance of openness, rather than acknowledging that the state itself engineered the scarcity.

Urban Safety: The Possibility of Mass Casualty by Neglect

On November 1, 2025, Kamran Abdoli, deputy head of Tehran’s Fire Department, reported that 80,000 buildings in the capital are unsafe, including 27,000 high-risk structures and 129 classified as “severely critical.”

This means the state knows where mass death may occur—and lacks either the resources, authority, or political will to prevent it.

Recent fires in commercial buildings showed that equipment existed but was never maintained. Abdoli described this as: “Like a vehicle with no brakes. Present, but useless.”

The collapse of Plasco Building in Tehran in 2017 and the Metropol tower in Abadan in 2022—along with similar failures in other major cities—did not lead to reform. Each disaster followed the same pattern: construction approved through political patronage, ignored safety warnings, and no accountability. The underlying drivers—speculation, corruption, and impunity—remain intact.

Fiscal Constraint Without Governance Reform

The deputy chairman of the Majlis Budget Commission announced on November 2, 2025, that the government faces a budget deficit approaching 1.8 quadrillion tomans by year-end. Oil export targets were politically inflated, and real revenues lag.

In response, the government plans to introduce a third gasoline price tier at 7,500 tomans per liter starting in 2026.

Price adjustments of this type have historically triggered:

  • transport inflation

  • food price cascades

  • wage-purchase power collapses

  • and unrest

Yet the state remains focused on mechanisms of revenue extraction, not correction of structural economic drivers.

Structural Meaning: The State Did Not “Fail” to Protect Welfare — It Never Prioritized It

It is crucial not to misread the situation as one where a government wishes to provide services but “cannot” due to constraints.

From the clerical regime’s inception, public welfare has been instrumental—useful only insofar as it sustains regime stability. When resources tighten, welfare is expendable, but:

  • security budgets,

  • elite patronage networks, and

  • foreign proxy financing

remain protected.

The present crisis is therefore not the breakdown of a social contract. It is the exposure of the fact that no such contract existed.

When Systems Break Together, Control Weakens

  • Food insecurity reduces compliance.
  • Water scarcity erodes patience.
  • Unsafe cities create latent trauma and visible fear.

Together, they move the population closer to the point where continued endurance holds no rational benefit.

The state can arrest, censor, and police dissent— but it cannot police hunger, thirst, or gravity.

Iran is not facing a temporary downturn.

It is undergoing structural loss of state capacity in core survival systems.

This is not a crisis the regime is managing.

This is a crisis managing the regime.

NCRI
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