Three-minute read
The Iranian regime is showing signs of deep anxiety over the growing wave of student protests following the killing of Amir Mohammad Khaleqi, a 19-year-old University of Tehran student. As demonstrations spread across universities, authorities are scrambling to contain the unrest while state media push conflicting narratives to deflect blame.
Iranian state television, in a February 15 broadcast, attempted to present the student’s murder as an isolated criminal incident, emphasizing that “two armed thieves on a motorcycle took Khaleqi’s life in under thirty seconds.” The report also stressed that “from the very first moments, Tehran police chief Ahmadreza Radan ordered a special investigation, and the president tasked the Minister of Science with looking into the case.” However, the sheer scale of the protests and the anger among students suggest a deeper distrust toward the government’s version of events.
As protests continued, February 15 reports from state media confirmed that the regime’s president Masoud Pezeshkian had instructed authorities to “swiftly address the grievances of students to prevent protests from extending beyond the university gates.” This statement reflects concerns that student unrest could spiral into a larger anti-government movement.
Follow our latest round-up of #IranProtests2022
"Protests continued in Iran today. Mourners gathered at the grave of Nasrin Qaderi in Marivan, a philosophy doctoral student who was recently killed in Tehran by security forces." https://t.co/ldfgReRy7G pic.twitter.com/9WHytbP5HR— NCRI-FAC (@iran_policy) November 8, 2022
In a display of internal discord, the acting president of the University of Tehran, Hossein Hosseini, openly criticized government mismanagement during a live broadcast on state television. As officials attempted to frame the discussion around campus security, Hosseini interrupted: “We are all responsible for this. We must not throw the blame around.” The TV host tried to silence him, stating “We are not here to create challenges”, but Hosseini refused to back down.
Meanwhile, Saeed Habibi, the Deputy Minister of Science, echoed the regime’s standard talking points, warning that “anti-revolutionary elements are trying to exploit these protests.” He reassured state media that authorities were working hard to “prevent foreign enemies from taking advantage of student grievances.”
As the protests grew, the Iranian regime blamed the organized resistance movement for attempting to stoke unrest. Tehran’s police chief, Abbasali Mohammadian, claimed on February 16 that a suspect had been arrested “attempting to infiltrate the university protest” and that he was “linked to the Mujahedin-e-Khalq (MEK/PMOI)”. Mohammadian added that “security personnel found hidden equipment inside his motorcycle.”
Former MOIS Interrogator Warns Against #MEK Influence in #Iran, Calls for Internet Restrictionshttps://t.co/FKQS8AGR8F
— NCRI-FAC (@iran_policy) January 10, 2024
Javan, the IRGC-affiliated newspaper, accused “anti-revolutionary channels” of hijacking student protests and claimed that “hostile foreign elements are using social media to fuel disorder.” Similarly, Mashregh News alleged that “MEK’s media arm, Amir Kabir Newsletter, is leading an organized attempt to turn student demands into chaos.”
Raja News, a website affiliated with Saeed Jalili, demanded immediate action against Tehran University’s leadership, warning that “certain officials are fueling the fire of sedition.” It accused University President Hosseini of behaving “like Mahsa Amini’s father in 2022, spreading lies to create unrest.” The article called on security forces to “prevent another wave of foreign-backed protests.”
The MEK’s Growing Influence Sparks Iran Regime’s Fear and Desperationhttps://t.co/2cUTDRbhXp
— NCRI-FAC (@iran_policy) May 23, 2023
Despite the regime’s attempts to suppress student activism, protests continued. On February 15, authorities preemptively deployed riot police and plainclothes security forces around the University of Tehran, deterring large gatherings. However, reports from the Telegram channel of the state-affiliated Kalemeh indicated that over 400 people were arrested, including students, war veterans, and even members of political factions within the regime.
Among those detained were Rahim Qomeishi, Naser Daneshfar, and Akbar Sararoudi, all former Iran-Iraq war combatants. The arrest of these figures, who have historical ties to the regime, highlights deepening fractures within the ruling establishment. Additionally, Saeed and Saeedeh Montazeri, children of late dissident cleric Ayatollah Hossein-Ali Montazeri, were also taken into custody.
The Iranian regime’s panicked response to the student protests underscores its fear of a repeat of previous nationwide uprisings, such as those in 2019 and 2022, which nearly toppled the government. Ali Khamenei, in his February 14 speech, boasted about the large turnout at the February 11 pro-regime rally, but his unease was clear. Analysts believe that even minor protests—such as those by Iran-Iraq war veterans or families of political prisoners—could rapidly escalate into broader anti-regime movements.
Security forces continue to make widespread arrests, but the anger on university campuses remains unresolved. The state’s conflicting narratives, arrests of dissidents, and crackdown on student protests all point to a regime that is bracing for another major wave of unrest.