
Iran’s clerical establishment marked the February 11 anniversary of the 1979 revolution with state-staged rallies meant to project endurance after January’s uprising and the bloody crackdown that followed. But developments reported in the last couple of days—ranging from nighttime anti-Khamenei chants and ongoing labor strikes to a widening campaign of street messaging—showed a society pushing back despite intensified repression and official efforts to manufacture public consent.
Night Chants, Strikes, and Protest Messaging
Late on February 10 and 11, reports said residents in Tehran and multiple cities chanted anti-government slogans from rooftops and streets, including “Death to Khamenei” and “Death to the dictator.” The chants were reported in Tehran—including the Patrice Lumumba/Sattarkhan area—and in Karaj, Kermanshah, Saveh, and Fardis, with accounts saying the slogans at times overwhelmed regime loudspeakers.
Labor unrest also continued. Workers at the 10th refinery of the South Pars Gas Complex reportedly entered a sixth day of strike over wages and working conditions. A state-linked labor outlet (ILNA) was cited listing grievances such as poor welfare conditions, overcrowded dormitories, high rent, unpaid benefits (camp/dorm allowances), and serious overtime payment problems, while also acknowledging threats that continued strikes could trigger deductions and tighter pressure.
In parallel, reports from inside the country described a broad spread of street graffiti, projecting images of the Iranian Resistance leaders on high buildings and protest symbolism across many cities—offering a geographic snapshot of dissent beyond the major urban centers. Cities named include: Tehran, Karaj, Mashhad, Bandar Abbas, Qazvin, Ilam, Ivan (Ilam), Ardabil, Bojnourd, Sabzevar, Saveh, Kuhdasht (Lorestan) and additional neighborhoods in Tehran such as Chitgar and Shahr-e Ziba.
February 11—Tehran, Iran
Residents of Ekbatan district chant anti-regime slogans on the anniversary of the 1979 revolution.#IranProtests #No2ShahNo2Mullahs pic.twitter.com/RysLFHxWFw— People's Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI/MEK) (@Mojahedineng) February 11, 2026
Official Messaging
During anniversary events, the regime’s president Masoud Pezeshkian used his February 11 address to issue an on-camera apology for “shortcomings,” saying he was “ashamed” of deficiencies and would address problems “under the wise leadership” of Khamenei. He pleaded for what he called unity, praised security forces (police, Basij, IRGC), and reiterated that Iran is not seeking nuclear weapons while presenting diplomacy as proceeding within “red lines” set by Khamenei. He referenced the January uprising as a “great sorrow” for the country.
A striking element of the anniversary coverage was an admission from the regime’s Health Ministry spokesperson, Hossein Kermanpour, who said nearly 13,000 surgeries had been performed on those injured in the January uprising. He added that about 300 remain hospitalized and nearly 100 are still in ICU, naming Tehran, Isfahan, and Razavi Khorasan as the most affected provinces.
February 11—Tehran, Iran
On the anniversary of the 1979 revolution, the people of Tehranpars are chanting anti-regime slogans:
"Down with Khamenei"
"Down with dictator"
"Bassij, IRGC, to us you are ISIS"#IranProtests #No2ShahNo2Mullahs pic.twitter.com/EybmlDydiP— People's Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI/MEK) (@Mojahedineng) February 11, 2026
Arrests Extend into the Medical Sector
The state-linked House of Nurses secretary, Mohammad Sharifi-Moghaddam, said nurses in Isfahan, Tehran, and other cities had been arrested, including arrests after the initial days of unrest, and demanded that the Health Ministry disclose the number and status of detained nurses.
Other sources reported a coercive pressure campaign around the anniversary that goes beyond arrests: authorities reportedly demanded families of detainees attend the state march and make their attendance “provable” by submitting photos/videos, while circulating an alleged forced apology/confession letter attributed to businessman Mohammad Saedi-Nia regarding shop closures during the unrest.
Separately, a further pressure tactic was described in Shiraz: prosecutors reportedly conditioned easing detention and accepting bail on families paying a deposit to a municipal account—reported as 100 million tomans for detainees arrested before January 18 and 300 million tomans for detainees arrested after January 18—with the city’s mayor reportedly saying the step was taken under judicial instruction.
February 11—Tehran, Iran
While the regime is trying to project power on the anniversary of the 1979 revolution, the people held protest activities, chanting, "Down with Khamenei," "Down with dictator," "Down with the terrorist IRGC," and other anti-regime slogans, rejecting all… pic.twitter.com/z9X1iBFuJz— People's Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI/MEK) (@Mojahedineng) February 11, 2026
Judiciary Signals Crackdown and Faster Sentencing
Judiciary chief Gholamhossein Mohseni Ejei was quoted issuing threats and directives to accelerate protest cases. He dismissed reported casualty figures as “fabrication,” alleging protesters “killed [people] themselves” and then “say ten times more,” and instructed judicial officials not to “drag out” uprising-related files—calling for speed while invoking the “sword of justice.”
Meanwhile, infighting inside parliament, where rival factions clashed over reports of possible “missile negotiations” went on. MP Mehdi Koochakzadeh attacked the Jamaran website and demanded action, warning its headline could “throw the country into turmoil,” while also pressing Ejei to act against Ali Shakourirad and portraying internal critics as a dangerous “fifth column.”
MP Salar Velayatmadar also warned against branding all protesters as anti-revolutionary and framed public anger as rooted in bread-and-butter grievances—asking who is “playing with the people’s table” and cautioning the system not to assume it can hide from public scrutiny.
February 11—Kermanshah, western Iran
On the anniversary of the 1979 Revolution, Iranians are chanting "Down with the dictator" and "Down with Khamenei!"#IranProtests #No2ShahNo2Mullahs pic.twitter.com/i4xUD1kwHQ— People's Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI/MEK) (@Mojahedineng) February 11, 2026
Cyber and Propaganda Front
In a notable security-state framing, former regime ambassador to Germany Sheikh Attar was quoted saying that one reason foreign actors placed the IRGC on terrorist lists was the lobbying efforts of groups the IRGC confronted—adding it was “obvious” he meant the MEK—and then calling for creation of a “cyber army” that would respond “without the flag of the Islamic Republic” to strike back in the information space.
Furthermore, widespread political/security SMS texts were reportedly sent to citizens’ phones—referencing escalating tensions with the U.S. and warning of possible conflict—apparently intended to mobilize regime dependents and create an atmosphere of siege in the run-up to the anniversary.
On the economic front, the Tehran stock exchange reportedly posted another steep decline, with the main index down 38,000 points, amid political and economic uncertainty. Separately, Transparency International’s 2025 Corruption Perceptions Index was cited placing Iran at rank 155 globally (down four places from the prior year), reinforcing a picture of entrenched corruption and public distrust.
🚨 Simay Azadi EXCLUSIVE | Ahvaz
In Ahvaz, footage shows defiant youth targeting an IRGC Basij base on the eve of the anniversary of the 1979 anti-monarchic revolution.
📍 This occurs amid several anti-regime activities reported in multiple cities.#IranProtests2026 pic.twitter.com/YdsVZ3Rkci
— SIMAY AZADI TV (@en_simayazadi) February 11, 2026
An Anniversary of Claims—and Contradictions
The regime’s anniversary rallies were designed to signal survival. Yet the same period’s developments—nighttime anti-Khamenei chants, continuing strikes, the spread of protest messaging across dozens of cities, official acknowledgment of mass injuries, arrests reaching nurses, judicial orders to fast-track harsh sentences, elite infighting, and intensifying coercion (from forced “proof of attendance” to financial extraction and mass SMS)—collectively portrayed a regime still confronting a volatile society that continues to resist even under maximum pressure.

