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Iran’s Internal Power Struggle Escalates Following Pezeshkian’s Press Stunt

Four-minute read 

The deepening infighting within Iran’s regime has intensified following the clerical regime president’s first press conference, where he faced scathing criticism from rival factions. Masoud Pezeshkian’s play of words and his attempt to project a different image to the public and the international community was quickly undermined by sharp attacks from hardliners and influential political figures close to Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei. 

In his press conference, Pezeshkian attempted to downplay the regime’s role in its global isolation by shifting the blame entirely onto the United States. He stated that “America needs to prove it isn’t hostile towards us,” while ignoring the regime’s long-standing regional aggression, its pursuit of weapons of mass destruction, and its support for terrorism.  

By claiming that the U.S. is solely responsible for cutting off diplomatic pathways and pushing for sanctions relief, Pezeshkian tried to conveniently sidestep the real reasons for Tehran’s international pariah status. His rhetoric of “brotherhood with the American people” was a thinly veiled attempt to demand a one-sided lifting of sanctions, without addressing the fundamental issues that led to the regime’s isolation. 

These comments faced a rapid backlash from inside the regime. Amir Hossein Sabeti, an influential member of the tightly vetted parliament, criticized Pezeshkian’s comments about Iran not pursuing the export of its revolution. Sabeti said in a public session, “Mr. Pezeshkian, you are responsible for upholding the constitution. Articles 152 and 154 clearly mandate the export of the revolution. Are we changing the constitution, or are you going to implement it as sworn?” 

He further challenged Pezeshkian’s deceitful gesture about fostering a brotherly relationship with the U.S., calling it unrealistic: “You say we are brothers with the Americans, but they’ve proven they want enmity. We retreated, and they imposed more sanctions. This is a one-sided love. When will we stop repeating this proven wrong path?” 

Vatan-e Emrooz, a newspaper owned by former Minister Mehrdad Bazrpash, criticized his foreign policy responses as “immature and lacking diplomatic protocol.” It particularly took issue with his comments on Yemen’s missile strikes, calling them “regrettable” and an indicator that Pezeshkian has yet to grasp the responsibilities of his role fully. 

During the press conference, when questioned about the recent missile attack by Houthi militants on Israel, Pezeshkian deceitfully evaded any connection, falsely claiming that even the regime itself does not possess such advanced ballistic missile technology. 

In a blistering critique, Raja News, a media outlet aligned with the Saeed Jalili faction, slammed Pezeshkian’s performance as “weak, divisive, and cartoonish.” The outlet stated, “The first press conference was far weaker than expected for a president of the state. Now, perhaps, the two-month delay in holding the event makes more sense.” It accused Pezeshkian’s media team of orchestrating a rigged Q&A session, suggesting that the selection of journalists was pre-arranged. “The selection process for which media outlets could ask questions was a farce, with claims of a lottery being nothing but a caricature,” Raja News reported.  

Kayhan, a newspaper that receives its directives from Khamenei’s office, also joined the chorus of criticism, accusing Pezeshkian of dodging questions about the 2009 protests, which the regime considers a “sedition” attempt. Kayhan wrote on September 16, “The president evaded our question about the 2009 sedition, calling it merely a disagreement and flaw in the movement, showing either a lack of understanding or refusal to acknowledge the truth.” 

Farhikhtegan, a newspaper owned by Ali Akbar Velayati, an advisor to Khamenei, wrote: “The president’s vague generalities and the repetitive nature of his responses, especially to international journalists, caused much frustration among the media. Although some journalists had expressed hope in interviews prior to the event that the president would avoid vague statements this time, the uniformity of his answers once again drew their disappointment.”  

Continuous attacks against the government

Mohammad Seraj, another parliament member, took aim at Pezeshkian’s claims of leading a “National Unity Government,” stating, “The unity seems to be only for passing the vote of confidence.” 

Even Jomhouri-e Eslami, a newspaper aligned with the so-called reformist factions, expressed dissatisfaction with Pezeshkian’s leadership, particularly his failure to enact meaningful changes. The paper questioned, “Why has there been no real change, Mr. President? You continue to speak of national unity, but this goal cannot be achieved with the presence of radical elements in your government.” 

The infighting has also highlighted the controversial appointments within Pezeshkian’s administration, as former allies of the slain president Ebrahim Raisi are being reassigned to influential positions, replaced by Pezeshkian’s loyalists. According to Jomhouri-e Eslami, several prominent figures from Raisi’s administration have silently been given high-ranking roles in key institutions like the Executive Headquarters of Imam’s Decree and the Foundation for the Oppressed. For instance, former Minister of Roads, Mehrdad Bazrpash, has been appointed Chairman of the Real Estate Board at the  Executive Headquarters of Imam’s Directive (EIKO), while Davoud Manzour, previously the head of the Program and Budget Organization under Raisi, now leads the financial investment holding of EIKO. Additionally, Raisi’s former deputy, Dehghani Firouzabadi, has taken charge of the Barakat Holding. These appointments have sparked further discontent within the regime. 

On September 15, Hamid Rasai, another influential MP, slammed Pezeshkian for the return of Mohammad-Javad Zarif, who had resigned due to his child’s foreign citizenship but is now serving as Strategic Deputy to the President. “ I followed up on this issue, and they said that Mr. Pezeshkian had arranged it. He claimed his arrangement was made with the approval of the heads of the branches of government. I asked both Parliament Speaker M.B Qalibaf and Chief Justice G.H Ejei, and neither confirmed any such agreement. If laws are being ignored, what’s the point of passing them? Who will step in to stop this?” Rasai questioned. 

With tensions rising, criticism has also targeted Pezeshkian for alleged nepotism. Alireza Salimi, another parliament member, raised concerns over the involvement of Pezeshkian’s family members in official government trips, particularly to Iraq, saying, “The trend of officials bringing family members to official meetings and trips has become more frequent.” 

Hamidreza Haji Babaei, the Deputy Speaker of Parliament, also commented on this: “The real issue in our country is the children of officials, and something needs to be done about all of them.” 

As the internal power struggle intensifies, even figures close to Supreme Leader Khamenei, such as Mehdi Fazaeli from Khamenei’s office, have weighed in. Taking to the state-run Hamshahri Online, Fazaeli warned that Pezeshkian must clearly define the framework for national unity, otherwise, “anyone can come along and strike at it, increasing the chaos.” 

Amid fierce factional infighting and fearing an unprecedented boycott of the regime’s sham elections, Khamenei has appointed Pezeshkian to the presidential role. Despite Khamenei’s attempts to steer Pezeshkian’s governance, the internal power struggle and conflicting interests among various factions continue to weaken the regime. Already besieged by domestic unrest and growing international isolation, the rifts within the leadership are exacerbating the regime’s instability at a critical juncture. 

NCRI
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