Publication of indictment and documents in the Case of Hamid Noury, Iranian Regime Henchman, by Swedish Prosecutor Authority
- Prosecutor’s Indictment: [Ruhollah] Khomeini [the supreme leader of the Iranian regime from 1979 to 1988] issued a fatwa or decree [in the summer of 1988], stating that all prisoners in Iranian prisons who were affiliated with or supporters of the People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran [PMOI / Mujahedin-e Khalq (MEK)], and who were faithful in their beliefs, were to be executed. Shortly thereafter, mass executions of supporters and sympathizers of the Mojahedin who were imprisoned in Iran’s prisons began.
- Documents registered with the Swedish Prosecutor Authority and existing in the case file include the list of 444 PMOI prisoners who were hanged in Gohardasht prison alone, a book entitled “Crimes against Humanity” with the names of more than 5,000 Mojahedin, a book entitled “Massacre of Political Prisoners” that was published by the PMOI 22 years ago, which includes a list of a considerable number of agents and perpetrators of the massacre, including Hamid Abbasi (Noury), in addition to the memoirs of a number of PMOI members and sympathizers.
- According to documents in the case file, Heresh Sadegh Ayoubi, ex-husband of Noury’s stepdaughter, provided the Swedish police and judiciary with information about his trip to Sweden. Hamid Noury was supposed to reside in Ayoubi’s home. Ayoubi is the recipient of Noury’s [selfie] photo from inside the airplane that (Iraj) Mesdaghi published. Mesdaghi received all the pictures from Sadegh Ayoubi.
- According to Heresh, Hamid Noury had traveled to Frankfurt in October 2016 and to Sweden in December 2017 and September 2018. Noury was deliberately stopped briefly by Swedish police during a 2018 trip to Sweden at Arlanda Airport in Stockholm.
- Noury’s email to Mesdaghi from Iran 10 months prior to his trip to Sweden, and his peculiar evasion of answering questions from investigating officers.
- The War Crimes Unit (WCU) of the National Operations Department (NOA) of the Swedish Police: Iraj Mesdaghi email address was found on Hamid Noury’s phone and he has sent two emails to Mesdaghi’s email address on January 17, 2019 (10 months before Noury’s trip and subsequent arrest in Sweden).
- Upon questioning about the email from Noury, Mesdaghi could not remember that he had received an e-mail from Noury!
- Noury about his email to Mesdaghi: I have never used email. My son had created an email account for me, but I never used it. I don’t even know how to use it. Maybe someone hacked it. Dozens of opposition groups have been and are against the Iranian government in Iran. The only group that has declared armed struggle is this hypocrites group [pejorative used to describe PMOI by Iran regime]. I have told you dozens of times that they have killed thousands of people in Iran. What ISIS did, they did in Iran 40 years ago…
- Investigating officer in response to Noury: It is not our concern about what the Mojahedin have done in Iran, we’re investigating how they’ve been treated in Iranian prisons.
- Hamid Noury (Abbasi) is a retired member of the IRGC
The Swedish Prosecutor Authority has published its indictment against Hamid Noury, a henchman of the Iranian regime, along with some of the documents in the case. The Judiciary Committee of the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI) hereby informs our compatriots of the indictment and relevant documents.
- Prosecutors at the District Court of Stockholm issued an indictment against Hamid Noury, a known henchman of the Iranian regime, after one year and nine months of investigations. The investigation has been supervised since the beginning by the Senior Public Prosecutor, Kristina Lindhoff Carleson. The indictment reads in part:
Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khomeini, shortly after the attack on July 26, 1988, issued a fatwa/order shortly thereafter that all prisoners in the Iranian prisons who belonged to / sympathized with the Mujahedin and who were faithful/loyal in their beliefs should be executed.
Shortly afterward, mass executions of supporters/sympathizers of the Mujahedin who were prisoners in the Iranian prisons began.
Between July 30, 1988, and August 16, 1988, Hamid Noury, as an assistant prosecutor or another similar role, in cooperation and collusion with other perpetrators at Gohardasht Prison in Karaj, Iran, executed a large number of prisoners who were members or sympathizers of the Mujahedin.
Hamid Noury’s participation in the executions has consisted of him together and in agreement/consultation with others organizing and participating in the executions by, among other things, selecting which prisoners would be brought before a court-like commission (committee) that had a mandate under the fatwa/order to decide which prisoners were to be executed. Noury took these prisoners to the so-called death corridor and guarded them there, read out the names of the prisoners to be brought into the committee, brought the prisoners into the committee, provided written/oral information about the prisoners to the committee, read names of the prisoners who were to be taken to execution, ordered the prisoners to stand in a line to be escorted to the execution site and also escorted prisoners there after which the prisoners were deprived of life by hanging. Hamid Noury has also himself on some / some occasions attended and participated in the executions.
Furthermore, Hamid Noury, as an assistant to the Deputy Prosecutor or in another similar position/role, during the same period and in the same place together and in agreement/consultation with other perpetrators, released a very large number of prisoners who belonged to / sympathized with Mujahedin, (including the persons listed in Annexes A and B), for severe suffering. This by inflicting severe death anxiety on the prisoners, which is to be judged as torture and inhuman treatment by taking the prisoners to the committee and/or bringing them to the so-called death corridor pending their admission to the committee and/or awaiting the committee’s decision and where appropriate, take them to the execution site and take preparatory action prior to execution.
Hamid Noury’s involvement in the torture and inhuman treatment has consisted of him, together with consensus/consultation with others, selecting the prisoners to be brought before the committee that would decide which prisoners would be executed, led the prisoners to the so-called death corridor, ordered the prisoners to sit there and wait, often several hours, guarded them, read out the names of those who were to be brought to the committee and brought them into the committee, read out the names of the prisoners who were to be taken to the execution site, ordered the prisoners to stand to be escorted to the execution site and also escorted prisoners there.
2. The indictment refers to the judicial basis of the case and states:
It is primarily alleged that the acts were committed as part of or otherwise related to the international armed conflict between Iran and Iraq.
Hamid Noury has thus committed a serious infringement of Article 147 of the Geneva Convention IV in conjunction with Article 75 and Article 85 through the said acts, which are directed at civilians enjoying special protection under the Geneva Convention IV or generally accepted principles of international humanitarian law. in Additional Protocol I and of generally accepted principles relating to international humanitarian law.
In the alternative, it is alleged that the acts were committed as part of or otherwise related to a non-international armed conflict between Iran and the Mujahedin. By those acts, Hamid Noury has thus committed a serious infringement of the common Article 3 of the Geneva Convention IV and of the universally recognized principles of international humanitarian law.
The violation of international law is to be regarded as serious because a very large number of people have been executed, tortured, and subjected to inhuman treatment in extremely cruel forms.
3. The indictment refers to the execution of non-PMOI political prisoners and states:
During the period August 27, 1988 – September 6, 1988, Hamid Noury in the Gohardasht prison (Rajaei Shahr) in Karaj, Iran, as an assistant to the Deputy Prosecutor or in another similar position/role, together and in concert/consultation with other perpetrators, intentionally deprived the lives of a very large number of prisoners whose ideological/religious beliefs were found to be in conflict with the theocratic state of Iran, (including the persons listed in Annex C).
4. The indictment and case file contains texts of interviews and documents that dozens of members and sympathizers of the PMOI have presented as witnesses or plaintiffs in interviews with the Prosecutor’s Office. Interviews with 16 PMOI members in Ashraf 3 in Albania were conducted through video conferences, and other interviews were conducted either in Sweden in person or in other countries via video conference. These individuals have either freed prisoners who witnessed the crimes committed by Hamid Noury in the death corridor in Gohardasht Prison during the 1988 massacre or their prison mates who were martyred there during the massacre.
5. Eleven PMOI members in Ashraf are among the plaintiffs in the case, including:
- Asghar Mehdizadeh, a political prisoner between 1981 and 1994.
- Mahmoud Roya’i, a political prisoner between 1981 and 1991.
- Hossein Farsi, a political prisoner between 1981 and 1993. His brother, martyred PMOI member Hassan Farsi, was executed during the massacre in Evin Prison. Hossein was injured in a terrorist bomb attack at the Habib camp [in the Iran-Iraq border region] in November 1999 and lost one eye. In August 2009, Ashraf was attacked by IRGC’s Quds Force mercenaries and Hossein was taken hostage along with 35 others, and after 72 days of a hunger strike, that placed the hostages a step away from death, the puppet government of the Iranian regime in Iraq was forced to release them.
- Mohammad Zand, a political prisoner between 1981 and 1992. His brother, martyred PMOI member Reza Zand, was executed during the 1988 massacre in Gohardasht. Mohammad was severely wounded in a [terrorist] missile attack on Camp Liberty in Iraq on October 29, 2015, which resulted in the martyrdom of 24 PMOI members.
- Majid Saheb-Jam, a political prisoner between 1982 and 1999.
- Akbar Samady, a political prisoner between 1981 and 1991.
- Hossein Syed Ahmadi, four of whose family members were martyred by the mullahs’ regime. Mohsen Syed Ahmadi was martyred in the 1988 massacre in Gohardasht Prison and Mohammad Syed Ahmadi was martyred in the 1988 massacre in Evin Prison.
- Syed Jafar Mir-Mohammadi, the brother of martyred PMOI member Aqeel Mir-Mohammadi, who was executed in the 1988 massacre in Gohardasht Prison.
- Mahnaz Meymanat, a PMOI member, whose mother, spouse, and two brothers were martyred by the mullahs’ regime and whose third brother disappeared after four years in prison. Her older brother Mahmoud Meymanat was executed in the 1988 massacre in Gohardasht Prison.
- Mehri Hajinejad, a PMOI member, a political prisoner from 1981 to 1986, whose three brothers and husband were martyred by the mullahs’ regime. Ali Hajinejad was executed in the 1988 massacre in Gohardasht Prison.
- Khadija Barhani, a PMOI prisoner, whose six brothers, PMOI members, and her sister-in-law were martyred by the mullahs’ regime. During the 1988 massacre, Ahmad Borhani was executed in Evin Prison, while Mohammad Hassan Borhani was executed in Gohardasht Prison. Minoo Mohammadi, the wife of martyred PMOI member Mohammad Mahdi Borhani, was executed in Qazvin Prison during the 1988 massacre. Mohammad Mahdi was martyred in Evin prison under torture in 1982.
- Hassan Ashrafian, a political prisoner between 1982 and 1993, who was interviewed by the Swedish Prosecutor Authority in Ashraf 3 [in Albania] has also been declared as a witness.
6. Some of the documents registered with the Swedish Prosecutor Authority as part of the documents in the case are as follows:
- The names and details of 444 members and sympathizers of the Mojahedin who were executed during the 1988 massacre in Gohardasht Prison. The number of people executed in Gohardasht is definitely higher and this list does not include all parts of Gohardasht Prison. There is very little information available about the prisoners of some prison wards in which all the prisoners were executed, so the list of 444 people only includes a portion of those whom Hamid Noury took from their wards to the Death Committee daily [during the 1988 massacre]. The list includes 19 female PMOI members with the rest being male. PMOI women in Tehran were basically imprisoned in Evin Prison, most of whom were executed during the massacre, and the PMOI women who were in Gohardasht Prison had been transferred from Kermanshah to Gohardasht Prison five months before the massacre began, whose real identities are not known at present. Fifty-two of the martyrs had finished their prison terms and were serving extra time (so-called “meli kesh”).
- Another document is the book, “Massacre of Political Prisoners”, published in 1999 which contains a list of 3,210 martyrs, as well as agents and perpetrators of the massacre, including Hamid Abbasi (Noury). In this book, the name of Hamid Abbasi and his role in the crimes committed are mentioned in several cases.
- The book, “Aftabkaran”, (5 volumes of Mahmoud Roya’i’s memoirs from prison) was published in 2007, and the book “A Galaxy of Stars”, (Memoirs of Hossein Farsi) published in 2008. Both books contain references to the role of Hamid Abbasi in various sections.
- Another document is the book, “Crimes Against Humanity – 30,000 Political Prisoners Massacred in Iran” in English, published in August 2018 on the 30th anniversary of the massacre. This book contains a list of 5,015 PMOI prisoners who were martyred in the 1988 massacre. It also contains many other details about the massacre, including the background and events leading up to the massacre, the cities in which the massacre took place, and the directors and perpetrators of the massacres, and [information about] the mass graves [of executed prisoners]. One ambiguity in this book, as shown in the tables on pages 54, 55, and 56, is about the real identity and an actual number of the martyrs, whose number is much greater than what has certainly been mentioned. For example, while there were at least 150 PMOI prisoners in the city of Qom at the time of the massacre, and not one of them survived, the number of names of executed prisoners that has reached the PMOI from that city is only eight persons. During the same period, according to one eyewitness, at least 40 PMOI members were martyred in one of the wards of Semnan prison, but the total number of martyrs in Semnan is listed as 29. Another example is Dastgerd Prison in Isfahan, which according to Amnesty International, was the scene of the daily execution of at least 10 people, between August and January 1989, but the book records in its table that only 118 people were executed.
Heresh Sadegh Ayobi
7. On November 15, 2019, the NCRI’s Security and Counterterrorism Commission released a secret tape from the torturer Mohammad Moghiseii that proved how Moghiseii tried to warn Hamid Noury, a few days before Noury’s trip to Sweden and warned him that he would be arrested. Moghiseii stressed that the police, the intelligence apparatus, and the court in Sweden were already aware of Noury’s whereabouts through an Iranian pilot (husband of Hamid Noury’s divorced stepdaughter). In the audio clip, Moghiseii is heard saying:
“I told him (Hamid Noury) not to go. I told him this Friday, don’t go. He had grasped it too, and he came and said I’d probably be arrested. So I said, “So why are you going?” He had traveled a few times, but they hadn’t done anything to him. Every year, he went there for 10 days. He had a disagreement with someone, he was sued for that. I said don’t go, why are you going. I said it’s a plot. They’ll catch you there, they’ll arrest you. There’s an Iranian pilot, he’s got a family problem with a woman, he’s divorced. He’s told the court [in Sweden] that Hamid Noury is part of the regime. And they were quoting him and I was surprised to hear that the court brought up these things, and later that guy wrote in his report that he [Hamid Noury] has been part of the oppressing apparatus in Iran. It was a family dispute, a couple who were divorced, and he was an intermediary in their marriage. They already have a child. Hamid Noury said that the husband was speaking negatively about him in court, and to the Swedish intelligence. (Hamid Noury) was just an employee, an employee, a staff member, and my office manager. He was a staff member at the Revolutionary Court. In the 1980s and with the issues [we had] with the hypocrites (an acronym for PMOI). Until then, he had been abroad 10 times and had never encountered any issues. He regularly went to foreign countries and there was no prohibition. He and his wife, a divorced woman, had disagreements. They were family with the divorced woman, and the husband went to the police and said that his stepfather is active in the [Iranian] regime…”
8. The case documents show the authenticity of the aforementioned statements in detail. According to these documents, the husband of Hamid Noury’s stepdaughter, Heresh Sadeq Ayoubi, has been in Sweden for a long time and he is a citizen of the country. He had active communications with the intelligence and security apparatus of the Mullahs’ regime and was constantly traveling to Iran. There are at least two interrogations [reports] with the Swedish police in his case. There is a telephone interrogation [report] that shows that he was already in contact with the Swedish police and judicial authorities regarding Hamid Noury’s visit to Sweden and at the same time, he had planned Hamid Noury’s visit to Sweden. The date of the document shows November 8, 2019, the day before Hamid Noury’s trip to Sweden and his arrest at Arlanda Stockholm Airport.
9. The police report in this regard is partially shown below. This document was originally in Swedish and the prosecutor has published the Persian translation in audio format:
“The minutes of the interrogation session with Sadegh Ayoubi Heresh – witness
Interrogator: Martin Stein
Interrogation Date: 08-11-2019
Questioning by phone with Heresh Sadegh Ayoubi
Heresh was contacted at the given date based on information that Hamid Noury will arrive in Arlanda on 9-11-2019 from Tehran.
We have been informed that Heresh has booked and paid a one-way ticket for Hamid’s trip from Milan to Tehran on 19-11-2019. Flight number 713 at 1145.
The purpose of his trip to Sweden is to mediate between Heresh and the woman who is the mother of Heresh’s daughter. The lady is Hamid’s daughter, and her name is Somayeh Alibeygi.
Heresh is asked if he knows where Hamid will reside during his stay in Sweden. He says Hamid will stay at his [Heresh’s] house. But as far as Heresh knows, Hamid will be around Upsala during his stay in Sweden, except that he will certainly take a trip to Harsinkosh by boat (?) because he usually does so.
Heresh is asked why he got a one-way ticket from Milan to Tehran for Noury and why he didn’t get the ticket from Arlanda?” He responds that it’s because Hamid has a Schengen visa issued in Italy.
10. Another interrogation of Heresh took place on November 20, 2019, ten days after Hamid Noury’s arrest. According to the police report of the interrogation, “Heresh knows Hamid Noury through his daughter [Somayeh Alibeigi]. Heresh met his daughter Somayeh Alibeigi at a party in Tehran about eight years ago… It was then when Somayeh told him that if Heresh would run into a problem at any time, she knew a prosecutor who could overturn a death sentence, for example, for receiving 100 million Iranian tomans. She told him that this prosecutor is close to her and they work together. But she did not mention any names. Somayeh contacted Heresh via Facebook and also via SMS in case of urgent matters. For instance, at Christmas or birthdays for congratulating him.
n September 2016, Somayeh contacted Heresh, asking if he would ever go to Frankfurt because she wanted to meet him. Heresh went to Frankfurt on October 1, 2016, and they met at a hotel in Frankfurt, called Frankfurter Hoff. They stayed there from October 1 to October 5. Somayeh said she came to Frankfurt because she had some business with the “prosecutor” [Hamid Noury]. In fact, they had ‘business’ in a town called Fulda, which is outside Frankfurt… Somayeh explained to him that they are helping wealthy Iranians abroad who have lost their Real Estate and property in Iran…. There, Heresh found out that the prosecutor’s name was Hamid Noury, but he was called by another name in Evin Prison.”
11. In another part of the interrogation, it is stated: “During their stay in Frankfurt, Somayeh became pregnant. When this case became clear, Heresh also wanted Somayeh to have an abortion. Heresh’s friend Kambiz Babaei, who was the director of “Aseman Airlines”, tried to help Heresh and arrange for the abortion to take place [after they both returned to Sweden]. He also continued to convince Somayeh to have an abortion. But Somayeh refused to do so and returned to Iran … On November 5, 2016, Heresh went to Tehran. There, Heresh and Hamid Noury met for the first time. Heresh showed a photo on his phone that is Somayeh’s photo, this was to check the exact date when that photo was taken, which was Sunday, November 6, when this meeting took place … Noury left the restaurant before Heresh and that was when Heresh noticed that Noury was carrying a gun under his coat tangled to his belt….”.
12. “Somayeh [tells Heresh] that Noury was not her real father. Her real father was Noury’s colleague before, and he died about 16 years ago …. To show Hamid Noury and his colleague, Somayeh’s father, Heresh. Heresh reads from a document obtained through a police officer who is currently in a coma (Attachment 1). Heresh exclaims, “In the name of God.” It is respectfully announced that Hossein Ali Beigi, with Birth certificate number 0602807001, is a retired Police Intelligence Officer in Tehran and a Revolutionary Guard, and the director of the prisoners in Azar Prison.”
Heresh also asked about Hamid Noury, and he continues to read from that document: “Mr. Hamid Noury, a retired Revolutionary Guard, with the nickname, Abdul Wahid Abbasi.”
Occupation: The head of the prison authorities, the revolutionary courts, and the deputy prosecutor in prison.” In response to this question and the police who provided this information to Heresh, Heresh does not want to reveal his name. Heresh’s father is now dead and the police who had provided the information was a friend of his father. Somayeh’s real father and Noury, worked together in the same prison. When he was hospitalized 17 years ago, he arranged Somayeh’s marriage with a bank manager, who was later killed.
13. According to a police report from Heresh’s statements during this interrogation, the Ministry of Intelligence “is in the process of a case against him [Noury] in connection with his dual citizenship. The report cannot be printed for security reasons. Heresh explains that this has to do with the code, that when someone logs in and the police who printed what he saw on the TV screen. “It is written there that the person in question is Somayeh Ali Beigi, Hossein’s daughter.” “On November 26, 2017, Noury came to Sweden. At that time he had used another passport besides the one he has now. Heresh also has a copy of the old passports that he shows to the interrogator. He points out that Noury went to Frankfurt, Naples and Switzerland before he arrived in Frankfurt in October 2016 … Noury sent copies of that passport to Heresh via his phone, so Heresh could purchase a travel ticket for him for December 26, 2017.”
According to the police report from Heresh interrogation, he says: “Noury’s phone number is 00989121142605. Heresh phone number is 0722994000. They talked on the phone using these numbers and via WhatsApp and Telegram.
Heresh also shows a video that Noury sent from the airport when he was there. Heresh says Noury has two phone numbers. Noury has recently deleted a large number of photos. Heresh showed another photo that this is the last photo and there Noury is sitting on the plane and on the way to Sweden and says that the plane is late because they could not close the plane door…
Heresh says that the time Noury came to Sweden, from September 2 to 9, 2018, and when he was about to enter the country, he was stopped by the Arlanda police [at the airport]. Somayeh had explained to him at the time that Noury had tried to swallow his phone sim card because there was information in that card that was confidential and that information was about people who have very high positions. Heresh answers the question and says that the other two times that Noury came to Sweden were on December 26, 2017, and September 2, 2018. “The purpose of Noury’s visits to Sweden this time was that he wanted to mediate between Heresh and Somayeh.”
Heresh and Mesdaghi
14. The police report on Heresh interrogation on November 20, 2019 states:
“Heresh says that because he was threatened by Noury for a long time, he started learning about Noury through Google. He wanted to know what kind of a person he was. He did this on August 8, 2019. It was then that he realized that Noury was also called Abbasi, and at that time he obtained information in Farsi through Google. And then terrible things became clear to him about Noury’s past. The person who wrote about Noury was Iraj Mesdaghi, who lived in Sweden. Iraj was a prisoner himself.
Heresh did this in connection with a dispute over custody of his child to show how dangerous people close to Somayeh are. Heresh tried to get information about Iraj Mesdaghi so that he could contact him. Then he wrote a letter to Iraj Mesdaghi and asked him to testify how dangerous Hamid Noury is. Heresh decided to use the testimony for a child custody lawsuit. This letter was sent around 10 to 13 October 2019. About 3 to 4 days later, Iraj called him.
Heresh and Iraj met on October 17 at the Kista Center. Iraj wanted to see a picture of Noury. Heresh then showed him a video that Noury had sent him the same day, in which he told Heresh how to buy him a ticket to Sweden. Heresh later showed the film to the interrogator. This video was recorded in Tehran…
They decided that Heresh express ignorance and not talk at all about meeting Iraj …”.
Noury’s e-mail from Iran to Mesdaghi 10 months before his trip to Sweden and arrest
15. Surprisingly, in the published documents, there are emails from Noury to Mesdaghi 10 months before his trip and arrest in Sweden. For example, the Swedish police found a January 17, 2019 e-mail in Noury’s phone from Noury inside Iran to Mesdaghi. This email was registered in the file on February 17, 2020, as follows:
“National Police Operations Unit for War Crimes Investigation
File number: 5000- KO1391829-19
This information is related to the address [email protected] which was found in the suspect’s phone … The suspect sent two emails to [email protected] from [email protected]. On 01/17/2019 at 21:45, there is an email in the drafts section on the phone from [email protected] to [email protected] This email has no content or title.
On 01/17/2019 at 09:28, an email in the sent mails section was sent to Hamid Noury at [email protected] and was sent to [email protected] This e-mail has no content, but the title in Persian reads “Hamid Nouri Abbasi”. Apart from the mentioned information, there is no other information about these emails.”
There may have been other emails that have been deleted or have not yet been made public.
16. In the interrogations carried out about this e-mail, Mesdaghi and Noury have both completely denied exchanging e-mails! On April 23, 2020, Noury was interrogated in this regard. In response to this question, Noury clearly lost his balance and tried to deny the existence of such an email. The parts of the question and answer in this regard, the clip of which was published with Noury’s voice, are as follows:
Martin [Investigating Officer]: Can you tell me your email address?
A [Noury]: I never used email. I did not know how to. I had no email or Gmail at all. Of course, my son made an address for me, but I never used it. Maybe once or twice in the last ten or twenty years, just to learn, I never learned though. So, I never used it. I do not know at all.
Q: We found the email address on your phone
A: Yes. I am just saying that.
Q: [email protected]
A: Yes, I said,.com Gmail. I said my son made it for me, but I never used it …
Q: That is, you did not contact me via email with the address [email protected] and the same Gmail address?
A: Never ….. Never
Q: Do you mean that someone else may have access to your computer and used your email and sent an email?
A: Who? which year?
Q: I’m asking you a question. Has anyone used your computer?
A: I did not have a computer at all. I only had a mobile phone. Never used. It’s impossible for them to use it.
Q: Maybe someone used your mobile phone and sent this email?
A: Maybe someone hacked it. I do not know. I do not think anyone has done that. Because during this period I did not notice anything and this is the first time I hear this. Maybe someone has done mischief, a conspiracy in this case, and wants to make evidence. I firmly say that I have neither used email or Gmail, nor did I have any correspondence, no contact, no email, nothing at all with this person you. Nothing has been at all. If there is something, it is a conspiracy. If they do have something or evidence, they’d better present it so I would explain.
Q: Does your phone have a code?
A: What code?
Q: Do you have a code to turn on your mobile?
A: He opened my mobile phone himself. You have extracted everything on my mobile. You showed me everything that was on my mobile phone. You have already extracted everything about my life. I’m still afraid that my family photos that you may extract will fall into their hands and put my life in danger. You have already extracted all my documents. On the first day of the interrogation, you also told me that if you do not provide these codes, we will find out ourselves. Mr. Martin told me that … if you don’t provide it, we will go and get it. I said this mobile is my personal device. (I said) Please, you are not allowed to touch my personal device. And I asked him not to touch my cell phone. Let me tell you a very important thing about this mobile phone. Mr. Martin, Mr. Joachim, I have said many times that I have always known about the claims of this group in these ten, twenty, thirty years that they have said a name similar to mine. And I have always said that I was aware that they say such nonsenses. I had both read and seen a name similar to mine. Even at parties or meetings, some of my friends told me that they have used a name similar to yours. And some …
Q: We are moving away from the question. Good? My question is: Do you have a password in your mobile phone?
A: If it was, I do not remember now, and if it is, it is my personal thing.
Q: If you remember, we said that we entered your mobile phone and then you did not want to say what password code it has. I just want to know if your mobile phone has a password or code at all or not?
Martin. Let’s see, we have lost track of the question.
Noury: I explained this very issue that I brought a mobile phone which is all in my life, and since I have had no wrongdoing, I brought my mobile. Tell him that why don’t you pay attention to this important issue? If I did not have a mobile with me, you should have doubted that there is a problem.
Joachim: Martin asked you if your cell phone had a pin code or not, if you think you have answered that we should leave it then.
Noury: I said yes. In the first meeting, I told them that this cell phone is my personal belonging. You are not allowed to enter. He said we will go and enter. Then he entered and extracted everything.
Martin. So if we want to know your straightforward answer, it is that your cell phone has had a pin code.
Noury. Did I say this? I say that you are not allowed to log in to my mobile. My mobile is a personal belonging. But you went in and found out. You found out everything.
Martin. It is said that on January 17, 2019, at 1:45 AM, an email was sent to Iraj Mesdaghi from your email address, which is [email protected]
Noury: It is impossible. It is impossible. January 17, 2019?
Noury. What year is it in the Iranian calendar?
Martin. Anyway …
Noury: Let me find out its conversion in the Iranian calendar.
Translator: Come on, it was last year.
Noury: The date based on the Iranian calendar is very important? 2019?
Translator: 17 January.
Noury: When will it be in the Iranian calendar? Now if … let it be 11.10 … no it is impossible at all. It is impossible. No way. One hundred percent.
Joachim: Let him ask his question.
Martin. It was nine O’clock and 45 seconds or 45minutes.
Noury. 9 O’clock and 45 seconds or [minutes]?
Martin. It was on the night of January 17, 2019, these have different segments. What comes out of the mailbox goes to him (Mesdaghi).
Noury: It is impossible.
Martin: There was nothing in the email that was sent.
Translator: It was not even a topic
Noury: I say it is impossible. Mr. Martin!
Martin. wait. wait. wait. A few minutes before this email is sent
Martin: A few minutes before this email was sent, on the same date, January 17, 2019, but at 21:28 [minutes]
Noury: Tell me in the Iranian calendar. I do not understand these.
Martin: The email was sent to Iraj Mesdaghi and there was nothing in the email.
Noury: No way. Should you prove it, I will….everything …
Martin: The subject of the letter was “Hamid Noury Abbasi” written in Persian.
Noury: I am saying it is impossible. No way. I am saying that I don’t know how to work Gmail at all. I asked my son to create an email address for me and I haven’t used it at all during this period.
(It gets crowded. Two or three people are talking)
Translator: Your lawyer wants … This is not a question, he just wants to inform.
Noury. Find out the date in the Iranian calendar, maybe I can find out what it is.
Martin: It is the same date. January 17, 2019
Noury: What? The same date?
Translator: January 17, 2019
Noury: So based on the Iranian calendar, it is not 17.1 now. We are in the fourth month now.
Translator: No. The previous date which they said.
Noury: Well, tell me in the Iranian calendar so that I can let you know. Then in here (referring) to Hamid Noury is wrong. Mine is OU. Look! Now you bring my interrogation (sheets) they are all written NOU.
Martin: These are the things which have been found in your mobile phones. Your email has been used. Look! this is the email address. Do you think it is misspelled?
Noury: Look, I said that my son created an e-mail address for me. I did not use it at all. At the first meeting, I said that I don’t know how to use it at all. If they found out on my cell phone that I had sent an email or Gmail over the course of twenty or thirty years. I have never used it. Never. I say categorically. Because I do not know at all. Mr. Martin, I will never lie to you. I do assure you hundred percent. You know that I’m a brave person. If I had sent or spoken, I would have said that. I have no fear. Why should I fear? Why should I fear? Why shouldn’t I say that? It is all over.
Martin: Now if you did not send an email to Iraj Mesdaghi from this email address, then who might have done it?
Noury: What should I do? I say I haven’t done it. No email was sent at all. I do not agree at all. Maybe someone has hacked the email. Read his message and see what he said. If that is my cell phone, I must have sent an email or Gmail to someone else. Mr. Joachim, Mr. Martin I’m telling you the truth. I have never used email or Gmail and I do not know how to use it. I say this with courage and confidence. You have been interrogating me day and night for six months. I haven’t lied to you a single word yet. Even though I am enduring the most difficult conditions in this prison. I happen to be very keen so that you would find out the very core of the issue at last. I have a question for you, please answer: Are you just intending to condemn me or do you want to find out the truth? I ask them to honestly tell me. The Reality or my conviction? Should they say this, I would explain.
Noury: Never! I was giving the same explanation when they interrupted me. If they allowed me, I would say a few more sentences and answer the same question.
Q: Now just answer this question directly: Do you have a code or not?
Noury: I answered them in the first session. Do they remember? During the first interrogation sessions, I was asked. Do they remember?
Q: No, maybe. I do not remember.
Noury: Yes, I remember. I will explain to them. He said the code and… I said excuse me, this is my personal device and you are not allowed to touch it. Mr. Martin also said that we will go and find the code ourselves. And they did. They brought me a lot of documents and showed them to me. I also said no problem. Let me tell you a very subtle point because you are a policeman. Mr. Martin, you should know that if I had committed the slightest offense, or committed a crime, or feared I would not have brought my cell phone with everything in it. This is a very important issue. I brought my mobile phone even though I knew they had said that name. All the information about my life is on my mobile phone. You extracted it all. I promise you that if you do not have one, I will bring you all the photos of every meeting I had in Iran.
Translator: all of them?!
Noury: We have photos of all the meetings we had in Tehran, with colleagues, with friends of our company. If Mr. Martin wants, I will bring all the photos of the last twenty or thirty years. I have meetings with friends from the military, our company, the office, and the prison every year. If he orders, I tell my family to take the photos of the last twenty or thirty years and hand them over to the embassy. As you know I am clean. I would not have come to the European Union and to European countries for seven years if I had committed the slightest offense or feared it. I tell you whatever secrets I have. They have said these names in the last twenty or thirty years. I have seen a name like mine in these twenty or thirty years. Even my friends in the meeting used to tell me that Hamid, they are always saying a name like yours. My friends even sent me through mobile phone saying: Hamid! what is this nonsense about a name that is similar to your name? During these ten or twenty years, my friends used to sometimes tell me this. But since I do not lie, I have not committed a crime, or something wrong, I did not care at all.
Martin: Oh … we are looking for the truth.
Noury: Thank you very much. Keep me for years until the reality becomes clear to you. Until those who lie to you and are exploiting you are identified. Keep me for years. I will prove to you what the truth is and what the reality is. Mr. Martin, there has been a revolution in Iran. The Islamic Republic was established there 41 years ago. Mr. Martin, Mr. Yoachim, there have been and continue to be dozens of groups and individuals who are against the Iranian government. The issue is very important, I repeat. Mr. Martin, the only group that has taken up arms and declared an armed struggle against the Iranian government, is this very Monafeqin (Mojahedin (MEK) grouplet, the only group. Mr. Martin, the issue is very important. The only group that has taken up arms in this group. Mr. Martin, for once, watch the video of their crimes, at least get it from the embassy, just look at them. I have told you dozens of times that these people have killed thousands in Iran. Mr. Martin have you heard the name of DAESH (ISIS), Have you heard the name of ISIS? Have you heard?
Noury: What ISIS did this year or in the past two, three years, all over the world, they did in Iran forty years ago, Mr. Martin.
Translator: Did you say forty years ago?
Noury: Yes. I ask you to sit down and watch the video only once. Hey, I’m telling you that they have strapped bombs on themselves, they have killed five Friday prayer leaders, and eliminated them. You are not paying attention at all. Mr. Martin, ISIS killed people alive and set them on fire. Have you seen his films? Mr. Martin, Mr. Joachim, in 1960, thirty-nine years ago, they tortured three guards and buried them alive, and they buried them in the grave. Alive. There is a clip. Look once. Just look once.
Translator: What year?
Noury, in 1981, they skinned three guards. When they were removed from the grave, their bodies were warm. If you understand me, you will know that these are criminals in your country. I have entered your country legally. This is the grouplet. Mr. Martin, if you answer this question in your country, how would you deal with a group declaring war on your government? What would you do Mr. Joachim?
Martin: Now, we are not investigating what the Mujahideen or hypocrites have done in Iran or against Iran. We are investigating how they were treated in Iranian prisons.
Noury: Mr. Joachim, I understand that. I want to ascertain your knowledge of the plaintiffs and witnesses so that you know their character. Mr. Martin, there is a proverb in Iran. Please write this. There is an Iranian proverb that says: What would the one who commits adultery with his mother do to others?
This proverb answers your questions. Because I want you to remember this proverb: What would the one who commits adultery with his mother would do to others?
Martin: Wait, we’re moving away from the subject, we’re coming to the end.
Noury: This is very important. I have to explain this. I told you about the proverb. Let me say what it means. This means that he who does not have mercy on his own mother will not have mercy on anyone. That is, whoever attacks his own country, bombs kills people, collaborates with another country, attacks his own country, God knows what he will do with other countries if he assumes power. God knows. This is the meaning. Did I get my point across?
Noury: Thank you very much for the opportunity you gave me. Will you let me ask you other questions?
Martin: We have to finish.
17. Mesdaghi is interrogated on the telephone on March 30, 2020, about this matter. He replies that he does not remember such a thing. The document states:
Information provided by: Martin Stein
This information is about an email that Noury sent to Iraj Mesdaghi.
On the above-mentioned date, Iraj Mesdaghi is contacted for this note during the service, which was previously drafted and relates to the analysis of Noury’s telephone. Noury had sent an email to Iraj Mesdaghi’s email from his own email, [email protected]
The question posed to Iraj is whether he remembers that he received an email from Noury. However, Iraj Mesdaghi cannot remember that he received an email from Noury.”
Summoning Mesdaghi to Evin (Prison) by Noury and the promise to cooperate
18. Unlike other released prisoners who no longer had anything to do with henchman Noury, Mesdaghi was summoned by Noury six months after his release from prison. A report by the police about the interrogation of Mesdaghi on November 14, 2019, states: “Every week he (Mesdaghi) had to go to the Intelligence Ministry to introduce himself and be interrogated and sign a piece of paper. His wife visited that location every week for five years. After six months, Abbasi (Noury) called Iraj’s home number and talked to his mother that he should return to Evin Prison.
His mother was very scared at the time. He did not know what was going to happen. Iraj did not know why he should go there, but he did it anyway. He went to the Evin Prison Prosecutor’s Office. He was blindfolded and taken to an amphitheater, where there were a large number of prisoners. Both ordinary prisoners and political prisoners. He saw a large number of prisoners and Abbasi (Noury) who was on the stage. Abbasi asked Iraj why he was arrested. Although he knew the reason. He was asked what his indictment was and whether he was willing to cooperate. Iraj said he will collaborate. He obeys the law and has no political activity. According to Iraj, this is what was meant by collaboration. Abbasi also asks what he thought of the Mojahedin, and Iraj says he does not like them and that he has no political activity. Everyone was afraid of being arrested again. “But they let him go.”
Mesdaghi, an agent acting against the MEK
19. On December 17, 2019, less than 40 days after the arrest of Noury, the lawyer of Nima Rostami, a resident of Sweden, wrote a letter to the prosecutor of this case, Kristina Lindhoff Carleson, which was attached to the case file. Along with his letter, Rostami’s lawyer also attached numerous links to video clips of Mesdaghi and cited and repeatedly referred to them. Parts of the letter read:
“He [Mesdaghi] has recently slandered other plaintiffs, plaintiffs’ lawyers, and activists. He insults everyone who wants to be involved in this case for hours and believes that those who want to complain in this case, and in order to be able to report at all, have to go through him and the lawyer who works with him … He speaks in a derogatory manner in my case, whereby I spoke to 14 plaintiffs. The clip is full of derogatory remarks about various people trying to draw attention to Noury’s arrest and trial … If Noury had a vigilante lawyer, he could easily have used this material against prosecutors and plaintiffs … Mesdaghi’s remarks are considered by many to be a scary scenario in which no one but Mesdaghi can present a report. All the other people who try to do this are just ruthless and reckless hypocrites. Once again, Mesdaghi swears and shouts at almost everyone and at those who have somehow turned their attention to Noury’s case.
He resents anyone else who claims to have anything to do with the case, saying he controls the entire case and all the testimonies in the case.
Iraj says that Massoud Rajavi, who is alive and leading the Mojahedin, said bad things about him. The Mojahedin are colluding with the Iranian government and want to help Noury. Iraj cites examples of how Rajavi helped the Iranian government over the years. Iraj says that Rajavi, as the leader of the Mojahedin, has banned those who have been influenced by Noury from testifying against him. Iraj names about twenty people who are Rajavi’s Mujahideen. He says they have blood on their hands.”
20. According to the documents, in the case of Mohammad Khodabandeh Loui (a political prisoner from 1981 to 1991) who is one of the witnesses in the case, he was interviewed by the judicial police on October 21, 2020. He pointed to and protested over Mesdaghi’s despicable commentary. The judicial police asked him to send them the original document. The report of this document is recorded in the file as follows:
“On 23.10. 2020 Khodabandeh Loui sends the address of the entire YouTube program, which is a total of 4 hours and 45 minutes. In this e-mail, Khodabandeh Loui says that the part he showed us during his interrogation is between 30 and 35 minutes in that program. Below is the address of that program on YouTube.
On October 27, 2020, Omid Farhand [official translator] listened to this program and the minutes between 30 and 35. Below is a summary of what is being said there, which is not accurate and word for word. Iraj says that all those who escaped the corridor of death are betraying the blood of other inmates. He names four people now living in Albania who he considers to be traitors. These are Hossein Farsi, Mahmoud Royaei, Akbar Samadi, and Reza Sarvand. And they want the Noury case to be dismissed and to fail.
There are traitors outside the country. One of them is Nasrollah Marandi. Also Gholamreza Shemirani and also Mohammad Khodabandeh Loui. As far as Khodabandeh Loui is concerned, he is a traitor who is silent today. He was beaten and blinded by Lashkari and Noury and a number of Revolutionary Guards while practicing sports. Today, Massoud Rajavi wants to influence the people so that the blind man does not dare to complain and, along with other traitors, tries to free his torturer. Iraj then names a number of people who are in Albania or elsewhere who have been barred from testifying by the organization. Iraj says that the Rajavi organization cooperates with the regime’s agents. Iraj says this is not the only thing he will talk about, but who are the supporters of Noury abroad and how the regime is influencing the case. Iraj says he is fully aware and will explain all this when the time comes.”
National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI)
Committee on the Judiciary
July 27, 2021