As the Iranian regime reaches its end, infighting between the rival factions over more share of power and keeping this regime alive intensifies. Each faction reveals the corruption of the other faction to have a greater share of the power.
Parviz Fattah, head of the Bonyad Mostazafan financial foundation, acknowledged some aspects of the Iranian regime’s institutionalized corruption on August 9 in an interview with state television. In the interview, he revealed several former and current regime officials who have stolen millions of dollars from the Bonyad Mostazafan.
“Mr. [Gholam-Ali] Haddad-e Adel [former speaker of the regime’s parliament] rented a building to build a school on Fereshteh Street, and this lease was extended several times, although these leases were with consideration and were not subject to the daily rate. At the moment, the rental period has expired and they have to vacate or the rents have to be adjusted to the daily rate, which, of course, due to the high cost of that area, may not be possible for him.” Fattah said estimating the value of the property to be at 200 billion tomans (around 9 million dollars).
Bonyad Mostazafan is one of Iran’s huge financial institutions and is under the direct supervision of the regime’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei. In this regard, Behzad Nabavi, a government minister in several administrations, in an interview with the state-run Alef news agency on September 21, 2019, said: “In our country, there are four institutions which control 60 percent of the national wealth. This includes Executive Headquarters of Imam’s Directive (Setad Ejraie Farman Imam), Khatam-ol-Anbiay Base, Astan-e Quds, and Bonyad Mostazafan. None of these institutions are in connection with the government and parliament.”
Khamenei has been using these financial institutions to fund terrorism and other illicit activities of his regime.
Fattah, who is one of the senior commanders of the Revolutionary Guards (IRGC), in an interview with the state-run Ofogh (Horizon) TV in April 2020 said: “I was at the IRGC Cooperative Foundation. Haj Qassem [IRGC-Quds Force commander Qassem Soleimani] came and told me he did not have money to pay the salaries of the Fatemiyoun. He said that these are our Afghan brothers, and he asked for help from people like us.” Fatemiyouns are Afghan mercenaries sent to Syria by the Iranian regime to oppress Syrian people.
Fattah’s recent remarks about the corruption of some of the regime’s officials triggered a new round of infighting in the regime. Jahan-e Sanat, which was shut down this week, in this regard wrote: “The Bonyad Mostazafan and its president act like these lands and buildings were included in their inheritance. Bonyad confiscated these lands in the first place, now others have confiscated them from Bonyad. Perhaps in the future other organizations will come and confiscate these properties.”
Iran’s economic crisis
While the regime’s officials in their infightings reveal each other’s corruption, the Iranian people suffer from economic hardships, which are due to the regime’s institutionalized corruption and wrong policies. The rising inflation rate and liquidity, as well as the high prices, along with the COVID-19 and mullahs’ mismanagement of this crisis, have pushed more people into poverty.
In this regard, Jahan-e Sanat wrote: “It seems that most of Iran’s economic problems are due to external factors, created by domestic decisions. Although prices are rising and we have witnessed the emergence of hyperinflation in the Iranian economy, which is estimated to be from 70 to 300 percent, wages have never been high enough to offset the rising costs imposed on people.”
In addition, the state-run Arman daily, while rejecting claims by the regime’s President Hassan Rouhani of upcoming economic relief, wrote: “There wouldn’t be an economic opening. An economic opening does not happen with just one event. We must deal with it wisely and with prudence and awareness. Iran’s economy cannot have an economic opening without basic operations, measures, and making difficult decisions.”
While rejecting the regime’s campaign of blaming the United States sanctions for Iran’s economic problems, the article continues: “Without structural reforms, tough decisions and deep surgeries, there is no such thing as economic openness. Even if it is said today that the sanctions have been lifted, some of the problems of Iran’s economy may be solved, but the majority of Iran’s structural economic problems, namely illicit profits, monopoly, unsuitable business space, banking system numerous challenges, problems of non-competitiveness of the Iranian economy, the governmental nature of economic structures, and the lack of various export products will have their problems.”
In a nutshell, there is no solution to the Iranian economy with the current ruling system.
As Mr. Abbas Davari, the Chairman of the Labor Committee of the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI), wrote in an article on Real Clear Markets: “Iran’s wealth, resources and capital are in the hands of a medieval theocracy interested only in enriching itself. Inflation is skyrocketing. The money supply is multiplying. The national currency plunging. In these circumstances, no Sino-deal, Euro-trade, or US-bargain can save the ruined economy that is designed only for enriching the few ruling mullahs. The only elixir is regime change.”